CATILINA, Lucius Sergius, a member of an ancient patrician family of Rome, first appears in history during the proscription of Sulla, conspicuous among the ruthless band of murderers, slaying his inoffensive brother-in-law with his own hand, and torturing and mutilating the muchloved Gratidianus. His foul vices were unconcealed; he was believed to have made away with his wife and his son to win the profligate and wealthy Aurelia Orestilla; it was even suspected that he had been guilty of an intrigue with the Vestal Fabia. Nevertheless, in 66 b,c., he found himself qualified for the consulship, and only incapacitated by the impeachment brought against him by P. Clodius Pulcher for extortion during his government in Africa. Catiline would not brook even delay in his advance to power, and accordingly he formed a conspiracy, in which Autronius, Piso, and even, according to rumour, Crassus and Caesar were concerned. The new consuls were to be murdered while offering up their vows on the 1st of January; and the fasces were to be seized by Catiline and Autronius. The plot failed, but only because the signal was given too hastily; and the discovery brought no punishment upon those implicated, for the intervention of a tribune was readily obtained. Soon after, Catiline, having bribed both judges and accuser, was acquitted in the trial for extortion. His scheme was forthwith immensely widened. The city was to be fired, and those who opposed the revolution were to be slain; all debts were to be cancelled; and there was to be a proscription of all the wealthy citizens. Among the conspirators were many men of the first rank and influence. Arms and money were collected, soldiers were enlisted, and the assistance of the slaves was sought. But Catiline’s hopes were again ...disappointed; once more he failed to obtain the consulship; and, moreover, it soon became apparent that one of the new consuls Cicero, was mysteriously able to thwart all the schemes of the conspirators. He was, in fact, informed of every detail, through Fulvia, the mistress of Curius, one of the plotters, who was himself soon persuaded to turn informer. Before the next comitia consularia assembled, the orator had given so impressive a warning of the danger which was impending, that Catiline was once more rejected and the consuls were invested with absolute authority. The other consul, C. Autronius, being absent in Macedonia, Cicero had everything in his own hands. On the 8th of November, he again rose in the senate to make so vigorous an attack upon Catiline that he rushed from the temple, amid the curses of the senators, and fled to the army. Next day Cicero awoke the terror of the people by a second declaration which he delivered in the Forum. Still not one of the rebels deserted, though a free pardon and great rewards were offered to informers,—a remarkable proof, it has been said, of the wretchedness and discontent of the lower orders at that time. It has also, however, been suggested that there existed no conspiracy of a kind concerning which any member of the lower orders could give information. Legal evidence of the plot was, nevertheless, obtained by the means of the Allobrogian ambassadors, implicating Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, who, on the nones of December, were condemned to be strangled by the common executioner in the vile dungeon of the Capitol. This act of speedy vengeance, which was opposed as illegal by Julius Caesar, was strenuously advocated by Cato and, indirectly, by Cicero. Thus a heavy blow was dealt to the cause of Catiline, who, in the beginning of 62 B.C., saw his legions, partially armed and diminished by desertion, shut in between those of Metellus Celer and Antony. Near Faesulae he hazarded battle with the forces of the latter, commanded by Μ. Petreiuβ, for the proconsul was or pretended to be ill. So terrible an engagement ensued that the bravest of the victors were slain, and of the conquered not one was taken alive. Catiline’s body was found far in advance of his own ranks, amidst a heap of the enemy whom he had slain.
Such is the account of the conspiracy of Catiline, and such is the character of its author, as we find them in the speeches of Cicero, and the histories of Sallust and Dion Cassius. Though there is nothing incredible in either, it must not be forgotten that our sole authorities for these statements were all members of one political party, and that the aristocratical. Some of the incidents given as facts by Dion Cassius are manifest absurdities; and Cicero shared the common habit of ancient orators, and paid more regard to the effect than the truthfulness of an accusation.
We find him at one time admitting that Catiline had almost persuaded him of his honesty and merit, nay, even seeking a political union with him; at another, when his alliance had been rejected and an election was at hand, declaiming against him as a murderer, and as a profligate horribly conspicuous among profligates. And, lastly, though Sallust’s vivid narrative is consistent throughout, it is not hard to see that he cherished very bitter feelings against the democratical party. Nevertheless, we have certainly no ground for accepting the view which makes Catiline a worthy successor of the Gracchi, an honest enemy of the hateful oligarchy, and a disinterested champion of the provincials. The following is probably as accurate a statement of the case as can now be given. There was at the time on the part of many of the Roman nobles a determination to raise themselves to power, despite the opposition of the senate, while the bolder among them were quite prepared to resort to force, if that appeared likely to be for their advantage. When, therefore, the senatorial party successfully assumed the aggressive, and its leader, Cicero, ventured on the bold course which we have described, they at once took up arms. Among them Catiline stands out conspicuous, and receives all the attacks of their enemies. Whether he was morally worse than the rest we cannot say with confidence; it was enough that he was far the foremost in force of body and of mind.
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