LIBANIUS, a Sophist, was the most distinguished Greek writer of the 4th century a.d. He was born at Antioch beween 314 and 316. He studied at Athens, and spent most of his earlier manhood in Constantinople and Nicomedia. His private classes at Constantinople were much more popular than those of the public professors; and their jealousy found means of having him expelled from Constantinople in 346 on the charge of studying magic. He was recalled from Nicomedia after five years. Ill health obliged him to retire to Antioch, where he spent the later part of his life. Though a pagan by religion, he enjoyed the favour of the Christian emperors. When Julian restored paganism as the state religion, Libanius showed no intolerance. Among his pupils he numbered St John Chrysostom and St Basil. His works, consisting chiefly of orations, declamations on set topics, and letters, are very voluminous, and have not yet been published in one single edition. He devoted much time to the study of the classical Greek writers, on whom his style is modelled with considerable success.
The best edition of the orations and declamations is Beiske’s, of the letters Wolf’s. See Westermann, Gesch. d. Gricch. Bcredtsam∙ keit ; Bernhardy’s and other histories of Greek literature; Forster, Zur Schriftstellerei des Libanios, and articles in Hermes, vols. ix. and X.
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This word is used in sacrificial language, to express an affusion of liquors, poured upon victims to be sacrificed to the Lord. The quantity of wine for a libation was the fourth part of a hin, rather more than two pints. Libations among the Hebrews were poured on the victim after it was killed, and the several pieces of it were laid on the altar, ready to be consumed by the flames, Lev. vi, 20; viii, 25, 26; ix, 4; xvi, 12, 20. These libations consisted in offerings of bread, wine, and salt. The Greeks and Latins offered libations with the sacrifices, but they were poured on the victim’s head while it was living. So Sinon, relating the manner in which he was to be sacrificed, says he was in the priest’s hands ready to be slain, was loaded with bands and garlands; that they were preparing to pour upon him the libations of grain and salted meal:-- _Jamque dies infanda aderat, mihi sacra parari, Et salsæ fruges, et circum tempora vittæ._ Æneid ii, 130, 131. [And now the horrible day being come, they began to prepare for me the sacred rites.] The salted barley on my front was spread, The sacred fillets bound my destined head.” PITT. And Dido, beginning to sacrifice, pours wine between the horns of the victim:-- _Ipsa tenens dextra pateram pulcherrima Dido, Candentsi vaccæ media inter cornua fudit._ Æneid iv. The queen before the snowy heifer stands, Amid the shrines, a goblet in her hands; Between the horns she sheds the sacred wine, And pays due honours to the powers divine.” PITT. St. Paul describes himself, as it were, a victim about to be sacrificed, and that the accustomed libations of meal and wine were already, in a manner, poured upon him: For I am ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand,” 2 Tim. iv, 6. The same expressive ...sacrificial term occurs in Phil. ii, 17, where the Apostle represents the faith of the Philippians as a sacrifice, and his own blood as a libation poured forth to hallow and consecrate it: “Yea, and if I be offered, σπένδομαι, upon the sacrifice and service of your faith, ἐπῖ τῆ θυσίᾳ καὶ λειτουργίᾳ, I joy and rejoice with you all.”
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LIBAU{Leep>aja of the Letts), a port of Russia, on the Baltic Sea, in the government of Courland and district of Grobin, 143 miles by rail south-west of Riga. It is situated at the northern extremity of a narrow sandy peninsula which separates Lake Libau (12 miles long and 2 miles wide) from the Baltic Sea. The town is well built of stone, with good gardens, and has a gymnasium and more than twenty different schools, cigar manufactories, machine works, and a small wharf. The sea throwing up a good deal of amber, many inhabitants are engaged in the fabrication of small articles of that substance. The harbour of Libau was 2 miles south of the town until a canal was dug through the peninsula in 1697; but this canal is liable to be silted up, and the depth at the bar is only 9 feet, or even 6 feet during south-west winds, so that larger ships must lie in the open roadstead. Libau being the most southern Baltic port in Russia has the advantage of freezing only for a few weeks during the winter. Since being brought, in 1872, into railway connexion with Moscow, Orel, and Kharkoff, it has become an important Russian port, and competes with the northern ports of Prussia, the exports already exceeding by 100,000 tons those from Königsberg. In 1879 the port of Libau was visited by 1976 ships, and the export of corn, flax, hempseed, and linseed has reached 28,212,600 roubles (about £2, 822,000), against 1,980,000 roubles and 367 ships in 1872. The merchants carry on an active trade in grain and flax, making their purchases directly in southern Russia; their warehouses are numerous, spacious, and well built. The yearly fair has some importance for the neighbouring districts. The town is also a watering-place, yearly visited by several hundreds of persons. Population in 1881, ...27,900; with military and railway servants, 30,000.
The port of Libau, Lyra portus, is mentioned as early as 1263; it then belonged to the Livonian order. In 1418 it was burnt by Lithuanians, and in 1560 it was mortgaged by the grandmaster of the order to the Prussian duke Albert. It was annexed to Russia in 1795.
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LIBEL and SLANDER are the terms employed in English law to denote injurious attacks upon a man’s reputation or character by words written or spoken, or by equivalent signs. In most early systems of law we find verbal injuries treated as a criminal or quasi-criminal offence, the essence of the injury lying not in pecuniary loss, which may be compensated by damages, but in the personal insult which must be atoned for,—a vindictive penalty coming in the place of personal revenge. By the law of the XII. Tables, the composition of scurrilous songs and gross noisy public affronts were punished by death. Minor offences of the same class seem to have found their place under the general conception of injuria, which included ultimately every form of direct personal aggression which involved contumely or insult. In the later Roman jurisprudence, which has, on this point, exercised considerable influence over modern systems of law, we find verbal injuries dealt with in the edict under two heads. The first comprehended defamatory and injurious statements which were made in a public manner (convicium contra bonos mores'). In this case the essence of the offence lay in the unwarrantable public proclamation, in the contumely which was offered to a man before his fellow-citizens. In such a case the truth of the statements was no justification for the unnecessarily public and insulting manner in which they had been made. The second head included defamatory statements which were made in private, and in this case the offence lay in the imputation itself, not in the manner of its publication. The truth was therefore a sufficient defence, for no man had a right to demand legal protection for a false reputation. Even belief in the truth was enough, because it took away the intention which ...was essential to the notion of injuria. The law thus aimed at giving sufficient scope for the discussion of a man’s character, while at the same time it protected him from needless insult and pain. The remedy for verbal injuries was long confined to a civil action for a money penalty, which was estimated according to the gravity of the case, and which, although vindictive in its character, doubtless included practically the element of compensation. But a new remedy was introduced with the extension of the criminal law, under which many kinds of defamation were punished with great severity. We find at the same time increased importance attached to the publication of defamatory books and writings, the libri or libelli j'amosi, from which we derive our modern use of the word libel; and under the later emperors the latter term came to be specially applied to anonymous accusations or pasquils, the dissemination of which was regarded as peculiarly dangerous, and visited with very severe punishment, whether the matter contained in them were true or false.
The earlier history of the English law of defamation is somewhat obscure. Civil actions for damages seem to have been tolerably frequent so far back as the reign of Edward I. There was no distinction drawn between words written and spoken. When no pecuniary penalty was involved such cases fell within the old jurisdiction of the ecclesiastical courts, which was only finally abolished during the present reign. It seems, to say the least, uncertain whether any generally applicable criminal process - was in use. The crime of scandalum magnatum, spreading false reports about the magnates of the realm, was established by statutes, but the first fully reported case in which libel is affirmed generally to be punishable at common law is one tried in the Star Chamber in the reign of James I. In that case no English authorities are cited except a previous case of the same nature before the same tribunal; the law and terminology appear to be taken directly from Roman sources, with the insertion that libels tended to a breach of the peace; and it seems probable that that not very scrupulous tribunal had simply found it convenient to adopt the very stringent Roman provisions regarding the libelli famosi without paying any regard to the Roman limitations. From that time we find both the criminal and civil remedies in full operation, and will now consider how the law stands with regard to each at the present time.
Civil Law.— The first important distinction we encounter is that between slander and libel, between the oral and written promulgation of defamatory statements. In the former case the remedy is limited. The law will not take notice of every kind of abusive or defamatory language. It must be shown either that the plaintiff has suffered actual damage as a direct consequence of the slander, or that the imputation is of such a nature that we are entitled to infer damage as a necessary consequence. The special damage on which an action is founded for slanderous words must be of the nature of pecuniary loss. Loss of reputation or of position in society, or even illness, however clearly it may be traced to the slander, is insufficient. When we cannot prove special damage, the action for slander is only allowed upon certain strictly defined grounds. These are the imputation of a crime or misdemeanour which is punishable corporeally, e.g., by imprisonment; the imputation of a contagious or infectious disease; statements which tend to the disherison of an apparent heir (other cases of slander of title when the party is in possession requiring the allegation of special damage); and lastly, slanders directed against a man’s professional or business character, which tend directly to prejudice him in his trade, profession, or means of livelihood. In the latter case the words must either be directly aimed at a man in his business or official character, or they must be such as necessarily to imply unfitness for his particular office or occupation. Thus words which merely reflect generally upon the moral character of a tradesman or professional man are not actionable, but they are actionable if directed against his dealings in the course of his trade or profession. But, in the case of a merchant or trader, an allegation which affects his credit generally is enough, and in the same way it has been held that statements are actionable which affect the ability or moral characters of persons who hold offices, or exercise occupation which require a high degree of ability, or infer peculiar confidence. In every case the plaintiff must have been at the time of the slander in the actual exercise of the occupation or enjoyment of the office with reference to which the slander is supposed to have affected him.
The action for libel is not restricted in the same way as that for slander. Originally, as we have seen, there appears to have been no essential distinction between them, but the establishment of libel as a criminal offence had probably considerable influence, and it soon became settled that written defamatory statements, or pictures and other signs which bore a defamatory meaning, implied greater malice and deliberation, and were generally fraught with greater injury than those which were merely made by word of mouth. The result has been that the action for libel is not limited to special grounds, or by the necessity of proving special damage. It may be founded on any statement which disparages a man’s private or professional character, or which tends to hold him up to hatred, contempt, or ridicule. Tn one of the leading cases, for example, the plaintiff obtained damages because it was said of him that he was a hypocrite, and had used the cloak of religion for unworthy purposes. In another case a charge of ingratitude was held sufficient. In civil cases the libel must be published by being brought by the defendant under the notice of a third party, and it has even been held that it is sufficient if this has been done by gross carelessness, without deliberate intention to publish. Every person is liable to an action who is concerned in the publication of a libel, whether he be the author, printer, or publisher; and the extent and manner of the publication, although not affecting the ground of the action, is a material element in estimating the damages.
It is not necessary that the defamatory character of the words or writing complained of should be apparent on their face. They may be couched in the form of an insinuation, or may derive their sting from a reference to circumstances understood by the persons to whom they are addressed. In such a case the plaintiff must make the injurious sense clear by an averment called an innuendo, and it is for the jury to say whether the words bore the meaning thus ascribed to them.
In all civil actions for slander and libel the falsity of the injurious statements is an essential element, so that the defendant is always entitled to justify his statements by their truth; but when the statements are in themselves defamatory, their falsity is presumed, and the burden of proving their truth is laid upon the defendant. There are however, a large class of false defamatory statements, commonly called privileged, which are not actionable on account of the particular circumstances in which they are made. The general theory of law with regard to these cases is this. It is assumed that in every case of defamation intention is a necessary element; but in the ordinary case, when a statement is false and defamatory, the law presumes that it has been made or published with an evil intent, and will not allow this presumption to be rebutted by evidence or submitted as matter of fact to a jury. But there are certain circumstances in which the natural presumption is quite the other way. There are certain natural and proper occasions on which statements may be made which are in themselves defamatory, and which may be false, but which naturally suggest that the statements may have been made from a perfectly proper motive and with entire belief in their truth. In the cases of this kind which are recognized by law, the presumption is reversed. It lies with the plaintiff to show that the defendant was actuated by what is called express malice, by an intention to do harm, and in this case the question is not one of legal inference for the court, but a matter of fact to be decided by the jury. Although, however, the theory of the law seems to rest entirely upon natural presumption of intention, it is pretty clear that in determining the limits of privilege the courts have been almost wholly guided by considerations of public or general expediency.
In some cases the privilege is absolute, so that we cannot have an action for defamation even although we prove express malice. Thus no action of this kind can be maintained for statements made in the course of judicial proceedings if they are in any sense relevant to the matter in hand. In the same way no statements or publications are actionable which are made in the ordinary course of parliamentary proceedings. Papers published under the authority of parliament are protected by a special Act, 3 & 4 Vict. c. 9, which was passed after a decree of the law courts adverse to the privilege claimed. The reports of judicial and parliamentary proceedings stand in a somewhat different position, which has only been attained after a long and interesting conflict. The general rule now is that all reports of parliamentary or judicial proceedings are privileged in so far as they are honest and impartial. Even ex parte proceedings, in so far as they take place in public, now fall within the same rule. But if the report is garbled, or if part of it only is published, the party who is injured in consequence is entitled to maintain an action, and to have the question of malice submitted to a jury. Comments on subjects of public interest, on the proceedings of courts or public bodies, on publications, exhibitions, and on persons who have in any way chosen to invite the public attention, fall within a similar rule. The public interest demands that on all these subjects a fair latitude for discussion should be permitted; the critic is entitled to the utmost liberty so long as he expresses nothing more than his honest opinion of the subject before him, but if it can be proved that he has used false and defamatory language out of malice, and especially if he has travelled beyond the facts which are properly before the public, he is no longer protected by his privilege. In private life a large number of statements are privileged so long as they remain matters of strictly private communication. It is difficult to define the limits of private privilege without extensive reference to concrete cases; but generally it may be said that it includes all communications which are made in performance of a duty not merely legal but moral or social, answers to l>ona fide inquiries, communications made by persons in confidential relations regarding matters in which one or both are interested, and even statements made within proper limits by persons in the l>ona fide prosecution of their own interest. Common examples of this kind of privilege are to be found in answer to inquiries as to the character of servants or the solvency of a trader, warnings to a friend, communications between persons who are jointly interested in some matters of business. But in every case we must be careful not to exceed the limits of publication required by the occasion, or otherwise the privilege is lost. Thus defamatory statements may be privileged when made to a meeting of shareholders, but not when published to others who have no immediate concern in the business.
In a few instances in which an action cannot be maintained even by the averment of malice, the plaintiff may maintain an action by averring not only malice but also want of reasonable and probable cause. The most common instances of this kind are malicious charges made in the ordinary course of justice and malicious prosecutions. In such cases it would be contrary to public policy to punish or prevent every charge which was made from a purely malicious motive, but there is no reason for protecting accusations which are not only malicious, but destitute of all reasonable probability.
Criminal Law.— Publications which are blasphemous, immoral, or seditious are frequently termed libels, and are punishable both at common law and by various statutes. The matter, however, which constitutes the offence in these publications lies beyond our present scope. Libels upon individuals may be prosecuted by criminal information or indictment, but there can be no criminal prosecution for slander. So far as concerns the definition of libel, and its limitation by the necessity of proving in certain cases express malice, there is no substantial difference between the rules which apply to criminal prosecutions and to civil actions, with the one important exception (now considerably modified) that the falsity of a libel is not in criminal law an essential element of the offence. If the matter alleged were in itself defamatory, the court would not permit inquiry into its truth. The sweeping application of this rule seems chiefly due to the indiscriminate use, in earlier cases, of a rule in Roman law which was only applicable to certain modes of publication, but has been supported by various reasons of general policy, and especially by the view that one main reason for punishing a libel was its tendency to provoke a breach of the peace. The same view has occasioned a difference in the publication required in civil and criminal actions. It is enough in criminal law that the libel has been published to the party against whom it is directed, if it is averred that it is intended or calculated to produce a breach of the peace. Important alterations, however, have been introduced into this branch of the law by 6 à 7 Vict. c. 96. By that Act any person who maliciously publishes a defamatory libel may be punished by fine or imprisonment or both, the imprisonment not to exceed one year. Any person maliciously publishing a defamatory libel, knowing the same to be false, is liable to fine and imprisonment for two years. In every case the truth of the matters charged may be inquired into if it be pleaded, but the truth does not amount to a defence unless it is also proved that the publication was for the public benefit; and if, after such plea, the defendant is convicted, it is competent to the court to consider whether the guilt of the defendant is mitigated or aggravated by the plea, and the evidence given in relation to it. By the same Act a defendant is protected from publication of libels without his knowledge, authority, or consent, if the publication did not arise from the want of due care and caution on his part. The court are further authorized to award costs to the defendant in any information or indictment at the instance of a private prosecutor.
An important dispute about the powers of the jury in cases of libel arose during last century in connexion with some well known trials for seditious libels. The point is familiar to readers of Macaulay in connexion with the trial of the seven bishops, but the cases in which it was brought most prominently forward, and which led to its final settlement, were those against Woodfall (the printer of Lunins), Wilkes, and others, and especially the case against Shipley, the dean of St Asaph (21 St. Tr. 925), in which the question was fought by Mr Erskine with extraordinary energy and ability. The controversy turned upon the question whether the jury were to be strictly confined to matters of fact which required to be proved by evidence, or whether in every case they were entitled to form their own opinion upon the libellous character of the publication and the intention of the author. There could be no doubt of course that the jury, if they pleased, had it in their power to return a general verdict of guilty or not guilty, but both in theory and practice they were subject in law to the directions of the court, and had to be informed by it as to what they were to take into consideration in determining upon their verdict (see Jury). There is no difficulty about the general application of this principle in criminal trials. In a case of murder, for example, the judge directs the jury that if they are satisfied the accused did so and so they ought to find him guilty. He directs them, not merely as to the definition of the crime, but as to the particular facts which fall within that definition. If the crime is one which is inferred by law from certain facts, they are only concerned with these facts, and must accept the construction which is put upon them by law. Applying these principles to the case of libel, juries were directed that it was for the court to determine whether the publication fell within the definition of libel, and whether the case was one in which malice was to be inferred by construction of law. If the case were one in which malice was inferred by law, the only facts left to the jury were the fact of publication and the meaning averred by innuendoes; they could not go into the question of intention, unless the case were one of privilege, in which express malice had to be proved. In general principle, therefore, the decisions of the court were in accordance with the ordinary principles of criminal law·. But there were undoubtedly some peculiarities in the case of libel. The sense of words, the inferences to be drawn from them, and the effect which they produce are not so easily defined as gross matters of fact. They seem to belong to those cases in which the impression made upon a jury is more to be trusted than the decision of a judge. And further, owing to the mode of procedure, the defendant was often punished before the question of law was determined. But nevertheless the question would scarcely have been raised had the libels related merely to private matters. The real ground of dispute was the liberty to be accorded to political discussion. Had the judges taken as wide a view of privilege in discussing matters of public interest as they do now, the question could scarcely have arisen; for Erskine’s w4ιole contention really amounted to this, that the jury were entitled to take into consideration the good or bad intent of the authors, which is precisely the question which would now be put before them in any matter which concerned the public. But at that time the notion of a special privilege attaching to political discussion had scarcely arisen,...
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