LYSANDER was the leading spirit of Lacedaemonian policy at the end of the Peloponnesian War. He is said byAelian and Athenaeus to have been of servile origin, and by Plutarch to have belonged to a Heraclid family. His father was named Aristoclitus or Aristocritus. He first appears in history when sent to command the fleet on the Ionian coast in 407 b.c. The story of his skilful diplomacy, of his influence with Cyrus the younger, of his naval victory at Notium, of his quarrel with his successor Callicratidas in 406, of his reappointment in 405, of the decisive victory at Aegospotami, and of the capitulation of Athens in 404, belongs to the history of Greece. After his return to Sparta his pride and vanity became boundless; he was celebrated by poets, and even worshipped in some places as a god. The restraint of life in Sparta, and the enemies whom he had there, were irksome to him, and he soon went to Asia Minor. He had established in all the Greek cities associations which maintained an oligarchical government, and his power over them was so great as to increase the jealousy felt for him at home. He was recalled to Sparta, and the machinations of the Persian satrap Pharnabazus brought him into danger. He had soon after the triumph of being sent with an army to support the oligarchy in Athens; but the king (Pausanias) was sent after him with a second army, and made terms with the restored Athenian democracy. When King Agis died in 398, Lysander worked to secure the succession for Agesilaus, but after two years he found that he had helped his most dangerous enemy. He began to concert revolutionary schemes, but had not proceeded to any overt act when he was sent with an army into Boeotia. He did not wait the arrival of Pausanias with an auxiliary army, but attacked ...Haliartus, and was slain in the battle, 395 b.c. He was buried on the road from Delphi to Chaeronea, and a monument was erected on his tomb. It is to his credit that, after the power and opportunities he had enjoyed, he died a poor man.
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LYSIAS, whose name follows those of Antiphon and Andocides on the list of the ten Attic orators, marks an important stage in the development of Greek literary prose, and is, in his own province, one of its most perfect masters. He never acquired the Athenian citizenship, but most of his years were passed at Athens; and his life has the interest of close personal association with the most critical period in the history of the Athenian democracy.
His extant work belongs to the space from 403 to 380 b.c., but the date of his birth is uncertain. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and the author of the life ascribed to Plutarch, give 459 b.c. This date was evidently obtained by reckoning back from the foundation of Thurii (444 b.c.), since there was a tradition that Lysias had gone thither at the age of fifteen. Modern critics would place his birth later,—between 444 and 436 b.c., —because, in Plato’s Republic, of which the scene is laid about 430 b.c., Cephalus, the father of Lysias, is among the dramatis personae, and the emigration of Lysias to Thurii was said to have followed his father’s death. The latter statement, however, rests only on the Plutarchic life; nor can Plato’s dialogue be safely urged as a minutely accurate authority for a biographical detail. We must be content to say that, while the modern view avoids some difficulties, the higher date assigned by the ancient writers is not inconsistent with any ascertained fact, while it agrees better with the tradition that Lysias reached, or passed, the age of eighty. On the other view, all traces of his industry, previously unremitting, would cease abruptly at the age of sixty-six....
Cephalus, the father of Lysias, was a native of Syracuse. On the invitation of Pericles’ he had settled at Athens as a “resident alien” (p,eτoικoς). The opening scene of Plato’s Republic is laid at the house of his eldest son, Polemarchus, in the Peiraeus. Cephalus complains that the visits of Socrates have been rare of late, and expresses the hope that he will come offener, and without ceremony, as to intimate friends. The tone of the picture warrants the inference that the Sicilian family were well known to Plato, and that their houses must often have been hospitable to such gatherings as the Republic supposes. Thus we have an indirect, but very interesting, confirmation of the phrase used by Dionysius in regard to Lysias—“he grew up in the society of the most distinguished Athenians.”
At the age of fifteen—when Cephalus, according to'the Plutarchic life, was now dead—Lysias removed from Athens to Thuni, the Athenian colony newly planted on the Tarentine Gulf, near the site of the ancient Sybaris. There the boy may have seen the historian Herodotus,— another of Thurii’s early residents,—now a man in middle life; and it pleases the imagination to think that, in their new Italian home, a friendship may have grown up between these two, neither of them an Athenian by birth, yet alike in a simple grace which Athens loved, and alike also in the love which they bore to Athens. At Thurii Lysias is said to have commenced his studies in rhetoric,—doubtless under a master of the Sicilian school,—possibly, as tradition said, under Tisias, the pupil of Corax, whose name is associated with the first attempt to formulate rhetoric as an art. In 413 b.c. the Athenian armament in Sicily suffered that crushing disaster which at the moment seemed to imperil the existence of Athens itself. The desire to link famous names is curiously illustrated by the ancient ascription to Lysias of a rhetorical exercise purporting to be a speech in which the captive general Nicias appealed for mercy to the Sicilians. The terrible blow to Athens quickened the energies of an anti-Athenian faction at Thurii. Lysias and his elder brother Polemarchus, with three hundred other persons, were “accused of Atticizing” (Αττtκtσ-∕zov tγκλ-ηθeiσi),— a charge which, under the circumstances, implies an honourable loyalty. They were driven from Thurii.
Lysias and Polemarchus now settled at Athens (412 b.c.). They were rich men, having inherited property from their father, Cephalus; and Lysias claims that, though merely resident aliens, they discharged public services with a liberality which shamed many of those who enjoyed the franchise C>vχ ό/Λοίως μ∈τoικomας ωaπep <wrot eττολcτeυοvτο, In Hratοsth., § 20). The fact that they owned house property shows that they were classed as lσοτeλel<s, i.c., foreigners who paid only the same tax as citizens, being exempt from the special tax (μ,∈τoikιoι∕) on resident aliens. Polemarchus occupied a house in Athens itself, Lysias another in the Peiraeus, near which was their shield manufactory, employing a hundred and twenty skilled slaves. This life of comparative peace and prosperity was broken up by the defeat of Athens at Aegospotami (405 b.c. ). In the next spring Athens surrendered to Lysander. The Thirty Tyrants were established at Athens under the protection of a Spartan garrison. One of their earliest measures was an attack upon the resident aliens, who were represented as disaffected to the new government. As foreign residents successful in commerce, the Attic metoikoi were exposed at such a time to perils like those of the Jews in a mediaeval city, or in modern Russia. Lysias and Polemarchus were on a list of ten singled out to be the first victims. Polemarchus was arrested, and received “the usual message” (to εlθισμεvοv παράγγελμα, In Eratosth., § 17) “to drink the hemlock.” Lysias had a narrow escape, with the help of a large bribe and a lucky accident. He slipped by a back-door out of the house in which he was a prisoner, and took boat to Megara.
After the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, the democracy was formally restored in the autumn of 403 b.c. Lysias appears to have rendered valuable services to the exiles during the reign of the tyrants, both by his own liberality and by procuring aid from other quarters. Thrasybulus now proposed that these services should be recognized by the bestowal of the citizenship. The proposal happened to be informal in one particular. The senate of five hundred had not yet been reconstituted, and hence the measure could not be introduced to the ecclesia by the requisite “preliminary resolution” (πpοβοvXεvμα) of the senate. On this ground it was successfully opposed; and Lysias missed the reward which he had so well earned. That passage of his ’Ολυμπιακός (§ 3) in which he claims to give advice as a good citizen seems to breathe the feeling that, if he was still but an alien at Athens, he was at least a true τroλiτ7js of Greece.
The last chapter of his life now opens. He is no longer the wealthy merchant, superintending his shield manufactory in the Peiraeus. The pillage by the tyrants, and his own generosity to the Athenian exiles, had probably left him poor. He now appears as a hard-working member of a new profession,—that of writing speeches to be delivered in the law-courts. The thirty-four compositions extant under his name are but a small fraction of those which the ancient world possessed. From 403 to about 380 b.c. his industry must have been great and incessant. The notices of his personal life in these years are scanty. In 403 he came forward as the accuser of Eratosthenes, one of the Thirty Tyrants, and delivered the splendid oration which we possess. This was his only direct contact with Athenian politics. The story that Lysias wrote a defence for Socrates, which the latter declined to use, probably arose from a confusion. Several years after the death of Socrates the sophist Polycrates composed a declamation against him; and to this Lysias replied with a defence of the philosopher. A more authentic tradition represents Lysias as having spoken his own “Olympiacus” at the Olympic festival of 388 b.c. The occasion was one of peculiar interest. Dionysius I., tyrant of Syracuse, had sent to the festival a magnificent embassy. Tents embroidered with gold were pitched within the sacred enclosure; and the wealth of Dionysius was vividly brought before the minds of the Panhellénic concourse by the number of chariots which he had entered for the most costly and brilliant of the Olympic contests. This was the moment at which Lysias lifted up his voice to denounce Dionysius as, next to Artaxerxes, the worst enemy of Hellas, and to impress upon the assembled Greeks that one of their foremost duties was to deliver Sicily from a hateful oppression. The latest work of Lysias which we can date (a fragment of a speech “For Pherenicus”)belongs to 381 or 380 b.c. He probably died in or soon after 380 b.c.
The qualities of the man are expressed in his work; indeed, it is through this, rather than through the recorded facts of his biography, that he becomes a living person to us. It is a kindly and genial nature which we see reflected there,—warm in friendship, loyal to country,—with a keen perception of character, and a fine, though strictly controlled, sense of humour. The literary tact which is so remarkable in the extant speeches is that of a singularly flexible intelligence, always obedient to an instinct of gracefulness. Among the earlier artists of Greek prose Lysias owes his distinctive place to the power of concealing his art. The clients of the professional “speech-writer,” like those of the modern advocate, might be of all sorts and conditions. The modern advocate, however, speaks in his own person. The Athenian “logographer” merely wrote the speech which his client delivered. It was obviously desirable that such a speech should be suitable to the age, station, and circumstances of the person into whose mouth it was put. Lysias was the first disciple of Greek rhetoric who succeeded in making this adaptation really artistic. He aimed, not merely at impressive effect in eloquence, pathos, or argument, but at dramatic propriety. Hence it was absolutely essential for him to abandon the stiff and monotonous splendour of the earlier and cruder rhetoric. He could not achieve his purpose unless he brought his art into harmony with the ordinary idiom of everyday life. His client must appear to be speaking as the citizen, who was not a professed rhetorician, might conceivably speak. Lysias achieved this reconciliation with a skill which can be best appreciated if we turn from the easy flow of his graceful language to the majestic emphasis of his predecessor Antiphon, or to the self-revealing art of his successor Isaeus. Translated into terms of ancient criticism, the achievement of Lysias is described by saying that he became the model of the “plain style” (urχvoς χαρακτηp, lσχyη, λtτr∕, αφελής λε£ις; genus ternie or subtile). From the latter part of the 4th century b.c. onwards, Greek, and then Roman, critics distinguished three styles of rhetorical composition—the “grand” (or “elaborate”), the “plain,” and the “middle.” These epithets were relative to the language of daily life,—the “plain” being nearest to this, and the “grand” furthest from it. Greek rhetoric began in the “grand” style; then Lysias set an exquisite pattern of the “plain”; and Demosthenes might be considered as having effected an almost ideal compromise. We moderns perhaps cannot fully seize that nameless and undefinable grace (χα∕∏s) of Lysias which the Greek critic of the Augustan age indicates in such striking words :—
“When I am puzzled about one of the speeches ascribed to him,” says Dionysius, “and when it is hard for me to find the truth by other marks, I have recourse to this excellence, as to the last piece on the board. Then, if the graces of speech seem to me to make the writing fair, I count it to be of the soul of Lysias; and I care not to probe the question further. But if the stamp of the language has no winningness, no loveliness, 1 am chagrined, and suspect that, after all, the speech is not by Lysias; and I do no more violence to my instinct (oi>κετι βιάζομαι τ⅛v άλογον atσθησιv), even though in all else the speech seems to me clever and well finished,— believing that to write well, in special styles other than this, is given to many men, but that to write winningly, gracefully, with loveliness, is the gift of Lysias” (Dionys., Be Lys., ii.).
The more salient traits of the Lysian style can be recognized by all. The vocabulary is pure and simple. Most of the rhetorical “figures” are sparingly used,— except such as consist in the parallelism or opposition of clauses. The taste of the day,—not yet emancipated from the influence of the Sicilian rhetoric,—probably demanded a large use of antithesis as an essential condition of impressive speaking. Lysias excels in vivid description; he has also a happy knack of marking the speaker’s character by light touches. The structure of his sentences varies a good deal according to the dignity of the subject. He has equal command over the “periodic” style (κατεστραμμένη λεξιf) and the non-periodic or “continuous” (εlpoμεvη, 8ιaλελυμεvη)- using now one now the other, or blending them, according to circumstances. His disposition of his subject-matter is always simple. The speech has usually four parts,—introduction (πpooiμιov), narrative of facts (διηγησc<s), proofs (τriστεις), which may be either external, as from witnesses, or internal, derived from argument on the facts, and, lastly, conclusion (επίλογος). It is in the introduction and the narrative that Lysias is seen at his best. In his greatest extant speech—that “Against Eratosthenes ”—and also in the fragmentary “Olympiacus,” he has pathos and fire; but these were not characteristic qualities of his work. In Cicero’s judgment, Demosthenes was peculiarly distinguished by force (vis), Aeschines by resonance (sonitus), Hyperides by acuteness (acumen), Isocrates by sweetness (suavitas) ; the distinction which he assigns to Lysias is subtilitas, an Attic refinement,—which, as he elsewhere says, is often joined to an admirable vigour (lacerti), (Cic., De Or., iii. 7, § 28; Brutus, § 64). The judgment is interesting as showing how a Roman critic of unquestionable competence recognized the peculiar place of Lysias in the development of Greek oratory. Nor was it oratory alone to which Lysias rendered service; his work had an important effect on all subsequent Greek prose, by showing how perfect elegance could be joined to plainness. Here, in his artistic use of familiar idiom, he might fairly be called the Euripides of Attic prose. And his style has an additional charm for modern readers, because it is employed in describing scenes from the everyday life of Athens.
Thirty-four speeches (of which three are fragmentary) have come down under the name of Lysias; no fewer than one hundred and twenty-seven more, now lost, are known from smaller fragments or from titles. In the Augustan age four hundred and twenty-five works bore his name, of which more than two hundred were allowed as genuine by the critics. The enormous number of ascriptions indicates that Lysias was reputed to have been a fertile writer. Our thirty-four works may be classified as follows :—
A. Epideictic. —1. Olympiacus, xxxiii., 388 B.c.; 2. Epitaphius, ii. (purporting to have been spoken during the Corinthian War; certainly spurious), perhaps composed about 380-340 b.c.
B. Deliberative. —Plea for the Constitution, xxxiv., 403 b.c.
C. Forensic, in Public Causes. —I. Relating to Offences directly against the State (ypaφa'ι δημοσίων αδικημάτων) ; such as treason, malversation in office, embezzlement of public moneys. 1. For Polystratus, xx., 407 b.c. ; 2. Defence on a Charge of Taking Bribes, xxi., 402 b.c. ; 3. Against Ergocles, xxviii., 389 B.c.; 4. Against Epicrates, xxvii., 389 B.C.; 5. Against Nicomachus, xxx., 399 B.c.; 6. Against the Corndealers, xxii., 386 b.c. (?) II. Cause relating to Unconstitutional Procedure (7pα<p¾ παρανόμων'). On the Property of the Brother of Nicias, xviii., 395 b.c. III. Causes relating to Claims for Honey withheld from the State (aπoypaφal). 1. For the Soldier, ix. (probably not by Lysias, but by an imitator, writing for a real cause), 394 b.c. (?); 2. On the Property of Aristophanes, xix., 387 B.c.; 3. Against Philocrates, xxix., 389 b.c. IV. Causes relating to a Scrutiny (δοκιμασία) ; especially the Scrutiny, by the Senate, of Officials Designate. 1. Against Evandrus, xxvi., 382 B.c.; 2. For Mantitheus, xvi.,392 B.c.; 3. Against Philon,xxxi., between 404 and 395 B.c.; 4. Defence on a Charge of Seeking to Abolish the Democracy, xxv., 401 b.c.; 5. For the Invalid, xxiv., 402 b.c. (?) V. Causes relating to Military Offences (ypaφa'ι ∖ ιπoτa-ξloυ, aστpaτeias). 1. Against Alcibiades, I. and II. (xiv., xv. ), 395 b.c. VI. Causes relating to Murder or Intent to Murder (yρaφal φόνου, τραύματος όκ πρόνοιας). 1. Against Eratosthenes, xii., 403 B.c.; 2. Against Agoratus, xiii., 399 B.c.; 3. On the Murder of Eratosthenes, i. (date uncertain); 4. Against Simon, iii., 393 B.c.; 5. On Wounding with Intent, iv. (date uncertain). VI. Causes relating to Impiety (ypaφai 0σeβeias). 1. Against Andocides, vi. (certainly spurious, but perhaps contemporary); 2. For Callias, v. (date uncertain); 3. On the Sacred Olive, vii., not before 395 B.c.
D. Forensic, in Private Causes. —I. Action for Libel (δίκη κaκηyoρiaς). Against Theomnestns, x., 384-3 b.c. (the so-called second speech, xi., is merely an epitome of the first). II. Action by a JVard against a Guardian (δίκη επιτροπής). Against Diogeiton, xxxii., 400 b.c. III. Trial of a Claim to Property (διαδικασία). On the Property of Eraton, xvii., 397 b.c. IV. Answer to a Special Plea (πpbς πapayρaφηv). Against Pancleon, xxiii. (date uncertain).
E. Miscellaneous. —1. To his Companions, a Complaint of Slanders, viii. (certainly spurious); 2. The ερωτικός in Plato’s Phaedrus, pp. 230 E-234. This has generally been regarded as Plato’s own work; but the certainty of this conclusion will be doubted by those who observe (1) the elaborate preparations made in the dialogue for a recital of the Ερωτικός which shall be verbally exact, and (2) the closeness of the criticism made upon it. If the satirist were merely analysing his own composition, such criticism would have little point. Lysias is the earliest writer who is known to have composed ερωτικοί ; it is as representing both rhetoric and a false ερως that he is the object of attack in the Phaedrus.
F. Fragments. —Three hundred and fifty-five of these are collected by Sauppe, Oratores Attici, ii. 170-216. Two hundred and fifty-two of them represent one hundred and twenty-seven speeches of known title; and of six the fragments are comparatively large. Of these, the fragmentary speech “For Pherenicus” belongs to 381 or 380 b.c. , and is thus the latest known work of Lysias.
In literary and historical interest, the first place among the extant speeches of Lysias belongs to that “Against Eratosthenes” (403 b.c.), one of the Thirty Tyrants, whom Lysias arraigns as the murderer of his brother Polemarchus. The speech is an eloquent and vivid picture of the reign of terror which the thirty established at Athens; the concluding appeal, to both parties among the citizens, is especially powerful. Next in importance is the speech “Against Agoratus” (399 b.c. ), one of our chief authorities for the internal history of Athens during the months which immediately followed the defeat at Aegospotami. The “Olympiacus” (388 b.c. ) is a brilliant fragment, expressing the spirit of the festival at Olympia, and exhorting Greeks to unite against their common foes. The “Plea for the Constitution” (403 b.c. ) is interesting for the manner in which it argues that the wellbeing of Athens—now stripped of empire—is bound up with the maintenance of democratic principles. The speech “For Mantitheus” (392 b. o. ) is a graceful and animated portrait of a young Athenian ίππεύς, making a spirited defence of his honour against the charge of disloyalty. The defence “For the Invalid” is a humorous character-sketch. The speech “Against Pancleon” illustrates the intimate relations between Athens and Plataea, while it gives us some picturesque glimpses of Athenian town life. The defence of the person who had been charged with destroying a moria, or sacred olive, places us amidst the country life of Attica. And the speech “Against Theomnestus” deserves attention for its curious evidence of the way in which the ordinary vocabulary of Athens had changed between 600 and 400 B.c.
All MSS. of Lysias yet collated have been derived, as H. Sauppe first showed, from the Codex Palatinus X (Heidelberg). The next most valuable MS. is the Laurentianus C (15th century), which I. Bckker chiefly followed. Speaking generally, we may say that these two MSS. are the only two which carry much weight where the text is seriously corrupt. In Οratt. i.-ix. Bekker occasionally consulted eleven other MSS., most of which contain only these nine ' r eches: viz., Marciani F, G, I, K (Venice); Laurentiani D, E (Florence); Va.ιcani M, N; Parisini U, V; Urbinas O.
Lysias in oratores Attici, ed. I. Bekker, 1828; ed. G. S Dobson, with vatiorum notes, 1828; ed. J. G. Baiter and Hermann Sauppe, 1850. In Teubner’s series, ed. Carl Scheibe, 1st ed. 1852, 2d ed. (based on C. L. Kayser's collation of X), 1876. Text, ed. Cobet,...
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LYSIMACHUS, son of Agathocles, a Thessalian in the service of Philip of Macedon, was born about 361 b.c. During Alexander’s campaigns he was one of his immediate bodyguard; he distinguished himself in India, and was appointed a trierarch when Alexander constructed his fleet on the Hydaspes. After the death of Alexander, Lysimachus was appointed to the government of Thrace and the district about the Chersonese. For a long time the Odrysians under their king Seuthes caused him so much trouble that he could take very little part in the struggles of the rival satraps; but in 316 he joined the alliance which Cassander, Ptolemy, and Seleucus made against Antigonus. In 309 he founded Lysimachia in a commanding situation on the neck connecting the Chersonese with the mainland. He followed the example of Antigonus in taking the title of king. When in 302 the second alliance between Cassander, Ptolemy, and Seleucus was made, Lysimachus, reinforced by troops from Cassander, entered Asia Minor, where he met with little resistance. On the approach of Antigonus he retired into winter quarters near Heraclea, marrying its widowed queen Amastris, a Persian princess. Seleucus joined him in 301, and the decisive battle was fought in the plain of Ipsus; Antigonus was slain, and his dominions divided among the victors, Lysimachus receiving the greater part of Asia Minor. Feeling that Seleucus was becoming dangerously great, he now allied himself with Ptolemy, marrying his daughter Λrsinoe. Amastris returned tυ Heraclea. During the absence of Antigonus’s son Demetrius in Greece, Lysimachus seized his towns in Asia Minor and rebuilt Ephesus, calling it Arsinoe. He tried to carry his power beyond the Danube, but was defeated and taken prisoner by the Getae, who, however, set him free on ...amicable terms. After Demetrius had entered Macedon to help Alexander against his brother Antipater, and by murdering the former had gained possession of the whole country, he invaded Thrace, but had to retire in consequence of a rising in Boeotia, and an attack from Pyrrhus of Epirus. In 287 Lysimachus and Pyrrhus invaded Macedon. Demetrius marched against Pyrrhus, thinking the Macedonians would not fight against Lysimachus, one of Alexander’s companions in arms; but his army went over to Pyrrhus, and he was obliged to fly. Lysimachus claimed a share of the kingdom and received it. Demetrius, crossing into Asia Minor, seized Caria and Lydia, but Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus by an Odrysian princess, was sent against him, and forced him to retreat into the territory of Seleucus, who obliged him to surrender. Lysimachus attacked Pyrrhus and Demetrius’s son Antigonus, now his ally, and forced Pyrrhus to give up part of Thessaly and the whole of Macedon. Amastris had been murdered by her two sons, and Lysimachus resolved to avenge her; he got them into his hands on pretence of friendship and put them to death. On his return Arsinoe asked the gift of Heraclea, and he granted her request, though he had promised to free the city. In 284 Arsinoe, desirous of gaining the succession for her sons in preference to Agathocles, intrigued against him with the help of her brother Ptolemy Ceraunus; they accused him of conspiring with Seleucus to seize the throne, and he was put to death. To remove the disquietude of the Egyptian court, Agathocles being the husband of Ptolemy’s daughter Lysandra, Lysimachus married his daughter Arsinoe to the young Ptolemy Philadelphus. The widow of Agathocles fled to Seleucus, and war between the latter and Lysimachus soon followed. In 281 the decisive battle took place at the plain of Corus, the exact situation of which is doubtful; Lysimachus was killed; after some days his body was found on the field watched by a faithful dog.
Lysimachus was a man of distinguished bravery and great personal strength; on one occasion he had killed a lion single-handed, though at the cost of fearful wounds. He did not rise to political importance till after the battle of Ipsus. Tenacious and insatiate, lie framed schemes of aggrandisement till his death, and in pursuit of the schemes his craft suggested, he was ready to sacrifice even his own family.
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LYSIPPUS, a Greek sculptor whose professional activity falls between the years 372 and 316 b.c. In addition to the sketch with accompanying illustrations of his style given under Archaeology (vol. ii. p. 361, figs. 9 and 11), it may here be stated that the head of Alexander the Great (fig. 11 just referred to) is now admitted tobe the best existing representation of the style of Lysippus in portrait sculpture. When we read of successful portraits by him of Socrates and Aesop, as well as of Alexander, we are driven to believe that one of the forces of which he was conscious within himself was that of seizing the spiritual expression and making it illumine faces and forms which under other conditions would be more or less repulsive. This in fact is confirmed by the head of Alexander in the British Museum (fig. 11 supra). But with the possession of this force it is difficult to reconcile the tradition of his having taken as his model the Doryphorus of Polycletus, the style of which may be seen in the bronze statuette fig. 6 in the article Archaeology, and, to a less extent, in fig. 7 of the same article. There everything turns on the refinements of physical form. It is admitted that Lysippus introduced great changes in the accepted rules for the proportions of the human figure, and from a number of sculptures traceable to his time, or shortly after his time, it is not only obvious but strikingly in contrast with earlier works that the legs are made long and massive while the body is proportionately shortened, though still retaining a very powerful rendering of the forms. Among the best examples of this are two bronze statuettes of Neptune and Jupiter in the British Museum found at Paramythia in Epirus, or, less satisfactory, the larger bronze of Hercules from Byblus, also ...in the British Museum. In these cases the limbs and various parts of the figure are studied with extreme skill worthy of the best time. Yet the combined effect is such as to do away with the impassive beauty which is ascribed to Polycletus, and to replace it with a beauty of expression so far as was consistent with powerful physical form. One of his works famed in antiquity was a bronze statuette of Hercules, called Epitrapezius, because, as the story goes, Alexander the Great carried it with him to be placed always on his table. A copy of this, in stone, enlarged somewhat from the original, was obtained by the British Museum from Babylonia in 1881. It is signed with the name of an artist, Diogenes, apparently otherwise unknown, and it bears clearly the evidence of having been copied from a work in bronze. But except in the face, which is carefully executed (“argutiae operum custoditae in minimis quoque rebus” is said of Lysippus by Pliny, Hat. Hist., xxxiv. 65), the sculpture is poor and could not be quoted as illustrating any particular style of art, though not inconsistent with the characteristics of Lysippus. With reference to the marble statue of Alexander the Great in Munich, standing with one foot raised on a helmet, it is clear that this affected attitude, which occurs in several other existing statues, such as the so-called Jason in Lansdowne House, cannot fairly be traced to the invention of Lysippus, since it is to be found twice on the frieze of the Parthenon. At the same time the merit may belong to him, as has recently been claimed, of having first applied this attitude in producing a new type of the god Neptune for his temple on the isthmus of Corinth. It was a bolder step to apply this attitude to a draped female figure as in the existing statues of the Muse Melpomene standing with one foot raised on a rock, and if this was really introduced into art by Lysippus it would confirm to some extent his reputation for novelties of representation. But at present we cannot do more than say that he is known to have made a group of the Muses for the town of Megara, and that several statues still exist representing a Muse in an attitude corresponding with that of the Alexander in Munich, which is reasonably inferred to be a copy from a work of Lysippus. If it could be proved that in these cases Lysippus had worked upon Athenian types, we should then understand how it happens that in some respects he was in ancient times classed with the Athenian Praxiteles (Quintilian, xii. 10, 9, “ad veritatem Lysippum ac Praxitelem accessisse optime affirmant ”), and is still compared with him so far as the remaining works of both, or copies therefrom, enable a comparison to be made.
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a city of Lycaonia, the native place of Timothy. The Apostle Paul and Barnabas having preached here, and healed a cripple, were taken for gods. But so fickle are human praise and popular encomiums, that, in the space of a few hours, those who had been deemed gods were regarded as less than mortals, and were stoned by the very persons who so lately deified them. See Acts xiv.
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