TABERNACLE, the portable sanctuary of Israel in the wilderness wanderings. Critical analysis of the Pentateuch (γ.-v.) teaches us to draw a sharp line between the old notices of the tabernacle contained in the pre-Deutero-nonιic history book (JE) and the account given by the post-exilic priestly narrator. The latter throws back into the time of Moses the whole scheme of worship and ritual of which the second temple was the centre, and, as this scheme necessarily implies the existence of an elaborate sanctuary on the pattern of the temple, he describes a tabernacle of extraordinary splendour pitched in the middle of the camp, with an outer and inner chamber and a courtyard, and all the apparatus of sacrificial and atoning ritual, just as in the temple, only constructed of boards, posts, and curtains so that it could be taken down and moved from place to place. The whole description is ideal, as appears not only from the details but from the fact that the old history knows nothing of such a structure. The Chronicler indeed, who had before him the Pentateuch in its present shape, assumes that after the Israelites entered Canaan the tabernacle continued to be the one legitimate place of sacrifice until it was superseded by Solomon’s temple, and represents it as standing at Gibeon in the days of David and his son (1 Chron. xxi. 29 sq.; 2 Chron. i. 3). But the book of Kings knows Gibeon only as “the greatest high place” (1 Kings iii. 4)....
Again, the tabernacle of the Priestly Code is pre-eminently the sanctuary of the ark, bearing the name mishkan haedûth, “the tabernacle of the testimony,” i.e., the habitation in which lay “the ark of the testimony” or chest containing the stones on which the decalogue w as inscribed. But between Joshua’s days and the building of the temple the ark migrated from one tent or habitation to another (2 Sam. vii. 6; 1 Chron. xvii. 5), and at Shiloh it was housed not in a tent but in a temple (1 Sam. iii. 3, 15). And, while in the Priestly Code the tabernacle is the only legitimate sanctuary and its priests are the only legitimate priests, the whole history shows that no such restriction was even thought of till after the time of the prophet Isaiah.
With all this it agrees that the oldest parts of the Pentateuch speak indeed of a tabernacle, but one of a quite different kind. The tabernacle of the Elohist (for of the two narratives—Elohistic and Jahvistic—which are combined in the so-called Jehovistic history only the former seems to mention it) is a tent which Moses pitched outside the camp (Exod. xxxiii. 7 sq.∖ and -where Jehovah was wont to reveal Himself to him in the pillar of cloud, which descended for the purpose and stood at the door (Num. xi. 25; xii. 5; xiv. 10); it is therefore called ohel mded, “the tent of tryst.” No description of it is given, nor is its origin spoken of, but something of the old narrative has obviously been lost before Exod. xxxiii. 7, and here what is lacking was probably explained. It appears, however, that it was very different from the tabernacle described by the priestly narrator. It τvas not in the centre of the camp but stood some distance outside it, and it was not the seat of an elaborate organization of priests and guarded by a host of Levites, but had a single minister and custodian, viz., Joshua, who was not a Levite at all but Moses’ attendant (Exod. xxxiii. 11).
The existence of such a simple tent sanctuary presents none of the difficulties that beset the priestly narrative. Portable shrines were familiar to Semitic antiquity, and tents as sanctuaries were known to the Israelites in much later times at the high places and in connexion with irregular worships (Ezek. xvi. 16, “thou didst take of thy garments and madest for thyself sewn high places,” i.e., shrines of curtains sewn together; 2 Kings xxiii. 7, where for “hangings for the grove” read “tents for the Ashera”; comp. Hos. ix. 6 and Syriac prakk, Assyrian parakku, a small chapel or shrine, from the same root as Hebrew paroketh, the vail of the Holy of Holies). Such idolatrous tabernacles were probably relics of the usages of the nomadic Semites, and it is only natural that Israel in its wanderings should have had the like. And it is noteworthy that the portable chapels of the heathen Semites were mainly used for divination (comp. Journ. of Philol., xiii. 283 sqf just as the Mosaic tabernacle is described by the Elohist not as a place of sacrifice (such as the tabernacle of the Priestly Code is) but as a place of oracle.
The heathen shrines of this sort contained portable idols or baetylia (see Selden, De Diis Symis, i. 6); but what the Mosaic tabernacle contained is not expressly told. The ordinary and seemingly the easiest assumption is that the ark stood in it, and Deut. x. 1 sq., w hich must be drawn from the lost part of the older narrative already alluded to, certainly places the construction of the ark, to contain the tables of stone, just before the time when the tabernacle is first mentioned by the Elohist. But neither in Deuteronomy nor before it are the ark and the tabernacle ever mentioned together, and of the two old narrators it is not clear that the Jahvist ever mentions the tabernacle or the Elohist the ark. The relation between the two calls for further investigation, especially as the ark retains its importance after the occupation of Canaan, while the “tent of tryst” is not mentioned after the time of Moses, who, according to the Elohist (Exod. xii.), enjoyed at it a privilege of direct access to the Deity not ajccorded to later prophets.
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in Hebrew, אהל, in Greek, σκηνἠ, a word which properly signifies _a tent_, but is particularly applied by the Hebrews to a kind of building in the form of a tent, set up by the express command of God, for the performance of religious worship, sacrifices, &c, during the journeyings of the Israelites in the wilderness; and after their settlement in the land of Canaan made use of for the same purpose, till the temple was built in Jerusalem. The tabernacle was covered with curtains and skins. It was divided into two parts, the one covered, and properly called the tabernacle, and the other open, called the court. The covered part was again divided into two parts, the one called holy, and the other called the holy of holies. The curtains which covered it were made of linen of several colours embroidered. There were ten curtains, twenty-eight cubits long, and four in breadth. Five curtains together made two coverings, which, being made fast together, enveloped all the tabernacle. Over the rest there were two other coverings, the one of goat’s hair, and the other of sheep skins. These vails or coverings were laid on a square frame of planks, resting on bases. There were forty-eight large planks, each a cubit and a half wide, and ten cubits high; twenty of them on each side, and six at one end to the westward; each plank was supported by two silver bases; they were let into one another, and held by bars running the length of the planks. The holy of holies was parted from the rest of the tabernacle by a curtain, made fast to four pillars standing ten cubits from the end. The whole length of the tabernacle was thirty-two cubits, that is, about fifty feet; and the breadth twelve cubits, or nineteen feet. The end was thirty cubits high; the upper curtain hung on the north ...and south sides eight cubits, and on the east and west four cubits. The court was a place a hundred cubits long, and fifty in breadth, inclosed by twenty columns, each of them twenty cubits high, and ten in breadth, covered with silver, and standing on copper bases, five cubits distant from each other, between which there were curtains drawn, and fastened with hooks. At the east end was an entrance twenty cubits wide, covered with a curtain hanging loose. In the tabernacle was the ark of the covenant, the table of shew bread, the golden candlestick, and the altar of incense; and in the court opposite to the entrance of the tabernacle, or holy place, stood the altar of burnt-offerings, and the laver or bason for the use of the priests. The tabernacle was finished on the first day of the first month of the second year after the departure out of Egypt, A. M. 2514. When it was set up, a dark cloud covered it by day, and a fiery cloud by night. Moses went into the tabernacle to consult the Lord. It was placed in the midst of the camp, and the Hebrews were ranged in order about it, according to their several tribes. When the cloud arose from off the tabernacle, they decamped; the priests carried those things which were most sacred, and the Levites all the several parts of the tabernacle. Part of the tribes went before, and the rest followed after, and the baggage of the tabernacle marched in the centre. The tabernacle was brought into the land of Canaan by Joshua, and set up at Gilgal. Here it rested till the land was conquered. Then it was removed to Shiloh, and afterward to Nob. Its next station was Gibeah, and here it continued till the ark was removed to the temple. The word also means a frail dwelling, Job xi, 14; and is put for our bodies, 2 Cor. v, 1.
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TABERNACLES, Feast of. The original character of this Hebrew feast, celebrated at the close of the agricultural year as a thanksgiving for the produce of the seasons, but especially for the vintage and olive harvest, has been explained in Pentateuch, vol. xviii. p. 511. As such it is described in the old law of Exod. xxiii. 16, under the name of “the feast of ingathering, at the end of the year” (which, in the old Hebrew calendar, ran from autumn to autumn), “when thou hast gathered in thy labours out of the field” (comp. Exod. xxxiv. 22). The same feast is spoken of in Deut. xvi. 13 as “the feast of booths” (E.V. “tabernacles,” whence the current name of the feast), when “thou hast gathered in thy corn and wine” from the corn-floor and the wine-press. No explanation is here given of the name “feast of booths”; but after the exile it was understood that during this feast the people assembled at Jerusalem were to live in booths constructed of branches of trees (Lev. xxiii. 39 sq.; Neh. viii. 14 sqf The passage in Nehemiah, describing the celebration of the feast in 444 b.c., serves as a commentary on the post-exilic law in Leviticus, and from it we learn that the use of booths on that occasion had no foundation in traditional usage, but w as based directly on the law, which then for the first time became generally known. According to the law in question, the booths were to be a memorial of the wilderness wandering (Lev. xxiii. 43), but of this there is no hint in Deuteronomy; and, while it is quite in the style of the later law to attach a new historical reference to an old name like “feast of booths,” it is certain from Exodus that the feast had originally agricultural and not historical significance. As such it is exactly parallel to the ...vintage feasts of other ancient nations, e.y., to the Athenian Oschophoria. And, in particular, it is noteworthy that in Judges ix. 27 we find a vintage feast at Shechem among the Canaanites, from whom the Israelites first learned the ways of agricultural life, and from whom so much of the popular religion was copied. To acts of worship nominally addressed to Jehovah, but really to the Canaanite Baalim, Hosea expressly reckons rites celebrated “on all cornfloors” (ix. 1), expressing thanks for divine gifts of corn, wine, and oil (ii. 8 sqf and in their context these allusions leave no doubt that the prophet refers, in part at least, to autumn feasts, in which Jehovah worship was mingled with Canaanite elements (comp. Wellhausen, Prol. zur Gesch. Isr., cap. 3, ii.; Eng. trans., p. 92 sqf These feasts were local in character, but in northern Israel there was a great autumn feast at the royal sanctuary at Bethel (1 Kings xii. 33), as even in the days of Solomon there was such a feast at Jerusalem (1 Kings viii. 2). In the nature of things the local feasts were the older, and it was the fame of great shrines that gradually tended to draw worshippers from a distance to temples like those of Jerusalem and Bethel. Finally, the Deuteronomic law of the one sanctuary and the course of events which made that law the practical rule of the remnant of Israel put an end to all local religious feasts, but at the same time obscured the old significance of the festal cycle, and made room for the historical interpretation of the celebrations, now concentrated at the temple, which prevailed among the later Jews (comp. Passover and Pentecost). In their later form all the yearly feasts have exact times and rules. In Deuteronomy the autumn feast is not yet tied to a day—it could hardly be so while it was still essentially a harvest thanksgiving—but in the priestly legislation it is fixed to commence on the fifteenth day of the seventh month (Lev. xxiii. 34). In Deuteronomy the feast lasts seven days; Lev. xxiii. 36 adds an eighth, and this day ultimately became the most important (John vii. 37).
If we accept the conclusion that the autumn festival was originally a vintage feast celebrated in local sanctuaries, the name “feast of booths” admits of a natural explanation. The Canaanite feast at Shechem and the Hebrew feast at Shiloh (Judges xxi. 21) were partly celebrated abroad in the vineyards, and Hosea also knows such feasts on the open corn-floors. That it was usual to go forth and live in booths during the vintage may be concluded from Isa. i. 8; the same practice still prevails at Hebron (Robinson, Bibl. Res., ii. 81). If it was these booths erected among the vineyards that originally gave their name to the feast, we can understand how the book of Nehemiah recognizes the erection of booths within the city of Jerusalem as an innovation. No doubt at all feasts where there was a great concourse of visitors many would be compelled to live in tents; this seems to have been the case even in old Israel (Hos. xii. 9). But that is quite a different thing from the later observance, in which booths or bowers had to be made and used even by those who had houses of their own.
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FEAST OF, a solemn festival of the Hebrews, observed after harvest, on the fifteenth day of the month Tisri, Lev. xxiii, 34–44. It was one of the three great solemnities, wherein all the males of the Israelites were obliged to present themselves before the Lord; and it was instituted to commemorate the goodness of God, who protected them in the wilderness, and made them dwell in tents or booths after they came out of Egypt. (See _Feasts_.) This feast continued eight days, of which the first and last days were the most solemn, Lev. xxiii, 34, &c. It was not allowed to do any labour on this feast, and particular sacrifices were offered, which, together with the other ceremonies used in celebrating this festival, were as follows: The first day of the feast, they cut down branches of the handsomest trees, with their fruit, branches of palm trees, and such as were fullest of leaves, and boughs of the willow trees that grew upon the sides of brooks, Neh. viii, 16. These they brought together, and waved them toward the four quarters of the world, singing certain songs. These branches were also called hosanna, because when they carried them and waved them, they cried Hosanna; not unlike what the Jews did at our Saviour’s entry into Jerusalem, Matthew xxi, 8, 9. On the eighth day they performed this ceremony oftener, and with greater solemnity, than upon the other days of the feast. They called this day _hosanna rabba_, or “the great hosanna.”
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