In the same year he and his brother Anthony were entered de societate magistrorum, at Gray’s Inn, and a few months later he was sent abroad with Sir Amyas Paulet, the English ambassador at Paris. He spent some time in that city, and travelled through several of the French provinces. The disturbed state of government and society in France at that time must have afforded him much valuable, political instruction; and it has been commonly supposed that certain Notes on the State of Christendom, usually printed in his works, contain the results of his observations. But Mr Spedding has shown that there is no reason for ascribing these “Notes” to him, and that they may be attributed with more probability to one of his brother Anthony’s correspondents.

The sudden death of his father in February 1579 necessitated Bacon’s return to England, and exercised a very serious influence on his fortunes. A considerable sum of money had been laid up by Sir Nicholas in order to purchase an estate for his youngest son, the only one otherwise unprovided for. Owing to his sudden death, this intention was not carried out, and but a fifth part of the money descended to Francis, who thus began his career in comparative poverty. It was one of the gravest misfortunes of his life: he started with insufficient means, acquired a habit of borrowing, and was never afterwards out of debt. As it had become absolutely necessary that he should adopt some profession by which an adequate income would be yielded, he selected that of law, and took up bis residence at Gray’s Inn in 1579.

Nothing throws so clear a light on the career of any great man as a knowledge of his character and aims when he made the first step into the world. We learn from this how he himself desired to shape his course, and at every point can see how far his actions correspond to the end he had placed before him. We have, fortunately, information from Bacon himself on these points. In the fragment De Interpretatione Naturce Prooemium (written probably about 1603) he analyses his own mental character, and lays before us the objects he had in view when he entered on public life. If his opening sentence, Ego cum me ad utilitates humanas natum existimarem, seems at first sight a little arrogant, it must be remembered that it is the arrogance of the μ,eyαλ0∣∕rυχos, who thinks himself worthy of great things, and is worthy; it is a great self-esteem, based upon a consciousness of great powers. This grand and comprehensive aim, the production of good to the human race through the discovery of truth, was combined in him with the more practical desire to be of service to his country, service for which he felt himself by birth and education eminently fitted. He purposed, therefore, to obtain, if possible, some honourable post in the state which would give him the means of realising, so far as in him lay, these two great projects, and would at the same time enable him to do somewhat for the church, the third of the objects whose good he had at heart. The constant striving after these three ends is the key to Bacon’s life. His qualifications for accomplishing the task he thus set before him were not small. His intellect was far-seeing and acute, quick and yet cautious, meditative, methodical, and free from prejudice. If we add to this account what Bacon himself does not tell us—that he seems to have been of an unusually sweet temper and amiable disposition —we shall have a fairly complete picture of his mental character at the critical period of his entry into the world.

In 1580 he appears to have taken the first step in his projected career by applying, through his uncle, Burghley, for some post at court. His suit, though well received by the queen and the lord treasurer, was unsuccessful; the particulars of it are totally unknown. For two years after this disappointment he worked quietly at Gray’s Inn, and in 1582 was admitted an outer barrister. In 1584 he took his seat in Parliament for Melcombe in Dorsetshire, but the notes for the session do not disclose what part he took or what reputation he gained. About the same time he made another application to Burghley, apparently -with a view to expediting his progress at the bar. His uncle, who appears to have “taken his zeal for ambition,” wrote him a severe letter, taking him to task for arrogance and pride, qualities which Bacon vehemently disclaimed. It is uncertain what success attended this suit; but as his advancement at the bar was unusually rapid, his uncle’s influence may not improbably have been exerted in his behalf. Some years later, in 1589, he received the first substantial piece of patronage from his powerful kinsman, the reversion of the clerkship of the Star Chamber being granted to him. The office was valuable, worth about £1600 a year; but it did not become vacant for nearly twenty years, and was thus, as Bacon used to say, “like another man’s ground buttailing upon his house, which might mend his prospect, but did not fill his barn.” A considerable period of his life had thus slipped away, and his affairs had not prospered. He had written on the condition of parties in the church; he had set down his thoughts on philosophical reform in the lost tract, Temporis Partus Jfaximus; but he had failed in obtaining the position which he looked upon as an indispensable condition of success. A long and eloquent letter to Burghley, written under these circumstances, gives a vivid picture of his mental state, throws additional light upon his character and aims, and at the same time gives a slight hint as to the cause of his uncle’s slackness in promoting him.

Some time before this, perhaps as early as 1588, Bacon appears to havebecome acquainted with Essex, the impetuous and headstrong favourite of Elizabeth’s later years. At the close of 1591 he was acting as the earl’s confidential adviser, and in the following year Anthony Bacon, returning from the Continent, was also introduced to the young nobleman, and the two brothers exerted themselves diligently in his service. In Feb. 1593 Parliament was called, and Bacon took his seat as member for Middlesex. The special occasion for which the House had been summoned was the discovery of one of the numerous Popish plots that distracted Elizabeth’s reign. The conspiracy seemed to be formidable, and Government felt the necessity for increased supplies. As Bacon’s conduct in this emergency seriously affected his fortunes, and has been much misunderstood, it is necessary to state, as briefly as possible, the whole facts of the case. The House having been duly informed of the state necessities, assented to a double subsidy, and appointed a committee to draw up the requisite articles. Before this was completed, a message arrived from the House of Lords requesting a conference, which was granted. The committee of the Commons were then informed that the crisis demanded a triple subsidy to be collected in a shorter time than usual, that the Lords could not assent to less than this, and that they desired to confer on the matter. This proposal of the Lords to discuss supply infringed upon the privileges of the Commons; accordingly, when the report of committee was read to the lower House, Bacon stood up and spoke against the proposed conference, pointing out at the same time that a communication from the Lords might be received, but that the actual deliberation on it must be taken by themselves alone. His motion, after some delay, was carried, and the conference was rejected. The Lords upon this lowered their demands, and desired merely to make a communication, which, being legitimate, was at once assented to. The House had then before them the proposal for a triple subsidy, to be collected in three, or, as the motion ultimately was shaped, in four years, instead of in six, as the ordinary custom would have been. Bacon, who approved of the increased subsidy, was opposed to the short period in which it was proposed to be raised. He suggested that it would be difficult or impossible for the people to meet such heavy demands, that discontent and trouble would arise, and that the better method of procedure was to raise money by levy or imposition. His motion appears to have received no support, and the four years’ subsidy was passed unanimously. Bacon, as it turned out, had been mistaken in thinking that the country would be unable to meet the increased taxation, and his conduct, though prompted by a pure desire to be of service to the queen, gave deep and well-nigh ineradicable offence. He was accused of seeking popularity, and was for a time excluded from the court. His letter to Burghley, who had told him of the queen’s displeasure with his speech, offers no apology for what he had said, but expresses regret that his motives should have been misunderstood, and that any offence should have been taken. He soon felt that the queen’s anger was not to be appeased by such a justification. The attorney-generalship had fallen vacant, and Bacon became a candidate for the office, his most formidable rival being his life-long antagonist, Coke, who was then solicitor. Essex warmly espoused Bacon’s cause, and earnestly pressed his claims upon the queen; but his impetuous, pettish pleading tended rather to retard than advance the cause. Burghley, on the other hand, in no way promoted his nephew’s interest; he would recommend him for the solicitorship, but not for the attorney-generalship · and it is not improbable that Sir Robert Cecil secretly used his influence against his cousin. The queen delayed the appointment, and Bacon’s fortunes, as they then stood, could ill brook delay. He was harassed with debt, and at times so disheartened that he contemplated retirement from public life and devotion to abstract studies. In March 1594 it was at last understood that Coke was to be attorney-general. Essex, though bitterly mortified, at once threw all his energies into the endeavour to procure for Bacon the solicitorship; but in this case also, his method of dealing, which was wholly opposed to Bacon’s advice, seemed to irritate, instead of conciliating the queen. The old offence was not yet forgiven, and after a tedious delay, the office was given, in Oct. 1595, to Sergeant Fleming. Burghley and Puckering seem to have assisted Bacon honestly, if not over-warmly, in this second application; but the conduct of Cecil had roused suspicions which were not perhaps without foundation. Essex, to compensate in some degree for Bacon’s disappointment, insisted upon presenting him with a piece of land, worth about £1800, and situated probably near Twickenham Park. Nor did his kindness cease there; before sailing on the expedition to Cadiz, in the beginning of 1596, he addressed letters to Buckhurst, Fortescue, and Egerton, earnestly requesting them to use their influence towards procuring for Bacon the vacant office of master of the rolls. Before anything came of this application, the Cadiz expedition had resulted in a brilliant success, and Essex became the idol of the army and the people. Bacon saw clearly that such a reputation would assuredly alienate the affections of the queen, who loved not to have a subject too powerful or too popular. He therefore addressed an eloquent and imploring letter to the earl, pointing out the dangers of his position, and urging upon him what he judged to be the only safe course of action, to seek and secure the favour of the queen alone; above all things dissuading him from the appearance of military popularity. His advice, however, was unpalatable and proved ineffectual. The earl still continued his usual course of dealing with the queen, depending solely upon her supposed affection for him, and insanely jealous of any other whom she might seem to favour. His unskilful and unlucky management of the sea expedition to Ferrol and the Azores in no way lowered his popularity with the people, but undoubtedly weakened his influence with the queen.

Bacon’s affairs in the meantime had not been prospering. He had increased his reputation by the publication, in 1597, of his Essays, along with which were the Colours of Good and Evil and the Meditationes Sacroe ; but his private fortunes were in a bad condition. No public office apparently could be found for him; he failed in the endeavour to retrieve his position by a marriage with the wealthy widow, Lady Hatton, and in 1598 he was arrested for debt. He seems, however, to have been growing in favour with the queen. Some years previously (perhaps about 1594), he had begun to be employed by her in crown affairs, and he gradually acquired the standing of one of the learned counsel, though he held no commission or warrant, and received no salary. At the same time he was no longer on the former friendly terms with Essex, a certain estrangement having sprung up between them, caused no doubt by the earl finding his friend’s advice distasteful. The earl’s affairs were then at a somewhat critical stage, and as our judgment upon a most important episode in Bacon’s life depends upon our knowledge of the events of the ensuing year, it will be requisite to enter more minutely than would otherwise be necessary into proceedings with which Bacon himself had nothing to do.

Ireland was then in a rebellious and discontented condition, and it was somewhat difficult for the English Government to decide either on a definite course of policy with regard to it, or on a leader by whom that policy might be carried out. Upon this subject a violent quarrel took place between the queen and Essex, who for some months retired from court, and refused to be reconciled. At last he came forth from his seclusion, and it was soon understood that he was in person to undertake the subjugation of the rebels in Ireland, with a larger force than had ever before been sent into that country. Into the obscure details of this unhappy campaign it is unnecessary to enter; one fact stands out clearly, that Essex endeavoured to carry out a treasonable design. His jealousy and ill temper had been so roused that the only course open to him seemed to be the obtaining a powerful military force, the possession of which would compel the queen to reinstate him in her favour. Whether or not this plan was in contemplation before he undertook the Irish expedition is not evident, though even outsiders at that time entertained some suspicions, but there can be no doubt of the treasonable character of the negotiations carried on in Ireland. His plans, probably not very definite, were disturbed by an imperative message from the queen, ordering him not to ^return to England without her permission. He at once set off, and, trusting apparently to her affection for him, presented himself-suddenly before her. He was, for the moment, received kindly, but was soon afterwards ordered to keep his chamber, and was then given into the custody of the lord keeper at York House, where he remained till March 1600. His great popularity, and the general ignorance of the reasons for his imprisonment, stirred up a strong feeling against the queen, who was reported to be influenced by Bacon, and such indignation was raised against the latter, that his friends feared his life would be in danger. The groundless character of this accusation shows how little confidence should be reposed in popular versions of obscure occurrences. It was at last felt necessary that the queen should in some way vindicate her proceedings, and this she at first did, contrary to Bacon’s advice, by a declaration from the Star Chamber. This, however, gave little or no satisfaction, and it was found expedient to do what Bacon had always recommended, to have a fair trial, yet not one in which the sentence must needs be damaging to the earl. The trial accordingly took place before a body of her majesty’s councillors, and Bacon had a subordinate and unimportant part in the accusation. Essex does not seem to have been at all hurt by his action in this matter, and shortly after his release they were again on friendly terms, Bacon drawing up letters as if to or from the earl with the design of having them brought before the queen. But Bacon did not know the true character of the transactions in which Essex had been engaged. The latter had been released from all custody in August, but in the meantime he had been busily engaged in treasonable correspondence with James of Scotland, and was counting on the Irish army under his ally, Montjoy, the new deputy. But Montjoy had apparently come to see how useless the attempt would be to force upon the queen a settlement of the succession, and declined to go further in the matter.

Essex was thus thrown upon his own resources, and his anger against the queen being roused afresh by the refusal to renew his monopoly of sweet wines, he formed the desperate project of seizing her person and compelling her to dismiss from her council his enemies Raleigh, Cobham, and Cecil. As some pretext, he intended to affirm that his life was in danger from these men, who were in league with the Spaniards. The plot was forced on prematurely by the suspicions excited at court, and the rash attempt to rouse the city of London (8th February 1601) proved a complete fiasco. The leaders were arrested that night and thrown into prison. Although the actual rising might have appeared a mere outburst of frantic passion, the private examinations of the most prominent conspirators disclosed to the Government a plot so widely spread, and involving so many of the highest in the land, that it would have been perilous to have pressed home accusations against all who might be implicated. Essex was tried along with the young earl of Southampton, and Bacon, as one of her majesty’s counsel, was present on the occasion. Coke, who was principal spokesman, managed the case with great want of skill, incessantly allowing the thread of the evidence to escape, and giving the prisoners opportunity to indulge in irrelevant justifications and protestations which were not ineffectual in distracting attention from the real question at issue. On the first opportunity Bacon rose and briefly pointed out that the earl’s plea of having done nothing save what was absolutely necessary to defend...