Of the foundation of Rimini nothing certain is known. It was first inhabited by the Umbrians, then by the Etruscans for many centuries. In the 4th century B.c. it was invaded by the Senones, who advanced as far as Sinigaglia. Brenn us established himself in Rimini, and marched thence upon Rome, which he destroyed by fire in 390 b.c. After more than a century of dominion the Senones were expelled by the Romans, who founded a military colony in Rimini and made it the seat of the praetor governing the province designated as Ariminumιor Gallia Togata. Owing to its position, Rimini rose to increased importance under its new masters. The Romans reopened the mint formerly established by the Gauls, which had issued the “aes grave,” the heaviest Italic coin that has been preserved. Rimini was the starting point of the Flaminian Way leading to Rome, and of the Emilian Way to Piacenza. Later, 134 b.c., the Popilian Way leading as far as Venice was made. In 82 b.c. Rimini was withdrawn from the province of Gaul and included in Italy, of which the frontier was now extended from the Esino to the Rubicon, about ten miles from Rimini near Cesena. This added to the city’s importance. We find continual mention of it in the wars of Marius and Sulla, and by the latter it was afterwards sacked. In 49 b.c. Julius Caesar crossed the Rubicon with the 13th legion, entered Rimini, and harangued his troops in the great square that still bears his name. A pillar marks the spot on which, according to tradition, he delivered his address. From Rimini, after having assembled the tribunes of the people and summoned the other legions, he went forth on the great expedition that was to lead to the battle of Pharsalia and ultimately to the foundation of the empire.

Rimini was highly favoured under Augustus. That emperor restored the Flaminian Way, and the senate decreed the erection in his honour of the famous arch that is still one of the grandest of ancient monuments. It seems that this arch was originally crowned by a statue of Augustus mounted on a triumphal car (quadriga).

But in the Middle Ages this was removed and replaced by the turrets which remain still. Contemporaneously with the arch was built the beautiful bridge over the Marecchia, the only other ancient monument to be found in Rimini, since of the amphitheatre scarcely a stone is left.

During the AIiddle Ages the history of Rimini has no importance. Alternately captured by Byzantines and Goths, it was rigorously besieged by the latter in 538 A.D. They were, however, compelled to retreat before the reinforcements sent by Belisarius and Narses; thus the Byzantines, after various vicissitudes, became masters of the town, appointed a duke as its governor, and included it in the exarchate of Ravenna. It afterwards fell into the power of the Longobards, and then of the Franks, who yielded it to the pope, for whom it was governed by counts to the end of the lθth century. Soon after this period the imperial power became dominant in Rimini. In 1157 Frederick I. gave it, by imperial patent, the privilege of coining money and the right of self-government; and in the 13 th century we find Rimini an independent commune waging war on the neighbouring cities. But throughout these times the main feature of its history is its alternate subjection to pope and emperor. And, weak as the sway of either was, it was strong enough to prevent any genuine local prosperity. During the continued struggle between church and empire, the withdrawal of the one was the signal for the other to advance, and these speedy mutations gave the commune no chance of achieving independence. This state of things went on until the rise of the despots, who, for similar reasons, were powerless to establish themselves on a firm and independent footing. Such indeed was the fate of nearly every city of Romagna excepting Bologna.

In the year 1216 Rimini, being worsted by Cesena, adopted the desperate plan of granting citizenship to two members of the powerful Malatesta tribe, Giovanni and Malatesta, for the sake of their aid and that of their vassals in the defence of the state and the conduct of the war. This family quickly struck root in the town and gave birth to future tyrants; for in 1237 Giovanni was named podestà, and this office was the first step towards the sovereign power afterwards assumed by his descendants. Meanwhile Rimini was torn by the feuds of Guelf and Ghibelline. The latter were the dominant party in the days of Frederick IL, although very unpopular on account of the grievous taxes imposed by the empire. Accordingly the majority of the urban nobles joined the Guelfs and were driven into exile. But before long, as the Swabian power declined in Italy, the Guelf party was again predominant.

Then followed a long period of confusion in which, by means of conspiracies and crimes of every kind, the Malatesta succeeded in becoming masters and tyrants of Rimini. And, albeit this string of events is of no historic value, it may serve nevertheless to give an idea of what was occurring throughout Romagna at that time. Giovanni Malatesta had died in 1247 and been succeeded by his son Malatesta, born in 1212, and surnamed Malatesta da Verrucchio. This chieftain, who lived to be a hundred years old, had ample time to mature his ambitious designs, and was the real founder of his house. Seizing the first suitable moment, he placed himself at the head of the exiled Guelfs and restored them to Rimini. Then, as the empire acquired fresh strength in Italy, he quietly bided his time and, on the descent of the Angevins, again assumed the leadership of the Guelfs, who now had the upper hand for a long time. Being repeatedly elected podestà for lengthy terms of office, he at last became the virtual master of Rimini. Nor was he checked by Rome. Pope Boniface VΠL was fully aware of the rights and traditional pretensions of the Holy See, but preferred to keep on good terms with one who had so largely contributed to the triumph of the Guelfs in Romagna. Accordingly he not only left Malatesta unmolested, but in 1299 conferred on him fresh honours and estates, so that his power went on increasing to the day of his death in 1312.

Four sons had been born to Malatesta—Malatestino, Giovanni the Lame, Paolo the Handsome, and Pandolfo; but only the oldest and youngest survived him. Giovanni the Lame ^Sciancato), a man of a daring impetuosity only equalled by his ugliness, had proved so useful a general to Giovanni da Polenta of Ravenna as to win in reward the hand of that potentate’s beautiful daughter, known to history as Francesca da Rimini. But her heart had been won by the handsome Paolo, her brother-in-law; and the two lovers, being surprised by Giovanni, were murdered by him on the spot (1285). This episode of the story of the Malatesta has been immortalized in Dante’s Inferno. Giovanni died in 1304. Thus in 1312 Malatestino became lord of Rimini, and on his decease in 1317 bequeathed the power to his brother Pandolfo. Even in his father’s lifetime the new lord had helped to extend the dominions of his house in Pesaro, Fano, Sinigaglia, and Fossombrone. He quickly perceived that, however willing Boniface VIII. might have been to tolerate the increased power of a chief who, like Malatesta da Verrucchio, had rendered such excellent service to the Holy See, it could not be expected that the papacy would really sanction the establishment of a strong and independent state in Romagna. He accordingly turned to the empire, and, siding with Louis the Bavarian, won that monarch’s favour for himself and his sons, who in 1342 were appointed imperial vicars.

Pandolfo died in 1326, leaving two heirs, Malatesta and Galeotto. The former was nicknamed Guastafamiglia, because, although at first willing to let his brother share his power, he rid himself by violence and treachery of other kinsmen who claimed their just rights to a portion of the state. His intent was to become sole lord and to aggrandize his tiny principality. But the reigning pope Innocent VI. despatched the terrible Cardinal Albornoz to Romagna and it was speedily reduced by fire and sword. In 1355 the Malatesta shared the fate of the other potentates of the land. Nevertheless it was the cardinal’s policy to let existing Governments stand, provided they promised to act in subordination to the papal see. Thus, he granted the Malatesta brothers the investiture of Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, and Fossombrone, and they arranged a division of the state. Guastafamiglia took Pesaro, which was held by his descendants down to the brothers Carlo and Galeazzo. The former of these, who died in 1439, was father to the Parisina beheaded in Ferrara, whose tragic love story has been sung by Byron. The latter won the title of “ΓInetto” (the Incapable) by the foolish sale of his rights over Pesaro to the Sforza in 1447.

Galeotto, on the other hand, retained the lordship of Rimini, ruling tranquilly and on good terms with the popes, who allowed him to add Cervia, Cesena, and Bertinoro to his states. Dying in 1385 at the age of eighty, he left two sons—Carlo, who became lord of Rimini, and Pandolfo, who had Fano for his share. Carlo (1364-1429) was energetic, valiant, and a friend of the popes, who named him vicar of the church in Romagna. He was a patron of letters and the arts, and during his reign his court began to be renowned for its splendour. As he left no issue, his inheritance was added to that of his brother Pandolfo, and Fano was once more united to Rimini. Pandolfo (1370-1427) had led the life of a condottiere, taking a prominent part in the Lombard wars following on the death of Galeazzo Maria Visconti, and held rule for some time in Brescia and Bergamo. He left three natural sons, who were declared legitimate by Pope Martin V. The eldest, Galeotto (1411-32), was an ascetic, gave little or no attention to public business, and, dying early, bequeathed the state to his brother Sigismondo Pa∙ndolfo. The third son, Novello Malatesta (1418-65), ruled over Cesena.

Sigismondo (1417-68) is the personage to whom Rimini owes its renown during the Renaissance, of which indeed he was one of the strangest and most original representatives. He was born in Brescia, and when called to the succession, at the age of fifteen, had already given proofs of valour in the field. Of a robust and handsome person, he was a daring soldier and an astute politician. His knowledge of antiquity was so profound as to excite the admiration of all the learned men with whom he discoursed, even when, as in the case of Pius II., they chanced to be his personal enemies. A captain of renown and a skilful military engineer, he was also a generous patron of the fine arts and of letters. To him is due the erection of the church of St Francis, or temple of the Malatesta, one of the rarest gems of the Renaissance and the greatest of Rimini’s treasures. Sigismondo devoted enormous sums of money and much time and care to this building, giving it so original a stamp and one so thoroughly expressive of his own mind and character that, to a great extent, it may be considered his work. But he too was a man devoid of all faith and conscience, of all respect human or divine. Of so dissolute a life that, although married, he had children by several mistresses at the same time, he gave vent to all his passions with a ferocity that was bestial rather than human. And—as the crowning contradiction of his strange nature—from his youth to the day of his death he remained the devoted lover of the woman for whose sake he became a poet, whom he finally made his wife? and whom he exalted in every way, even to the point of rendering her almost divine honours. Yet this love never availed to check his excesses. The blood in his veins resembled that of the Borgia; and of him, as of that iniquitous race, tradition has added much to the evil recorded by history, and truth and falsehood have been so subtly mingled that it is often difficult, sometimes impossible, to distinguish the one from the other.

On assuming power in 1432 Sigismondo was already affianced to the daughter of Count Carmagnola, but when that famous leader was arraigned as a traitor by the Venetians, and ignominiously put to death, he promptly withdrew from his engagement, under the pretext that it was impossible to marry the child of a criminal. In fact he aimed at a higher alliance, for he espoused Ginevra d’Este, daughter of the duke of Ferrara, and his entry into Rimini with his bride in 1434 was celebrated by splendid festivities. In 1437 a son was born to him, but died within the year, and in 1440 the young mother followed it to the grave. Every one declared that she died by poison administered by her husband. This, however, was never proved. The duke of Ferrara remained his friend, nor is it known what motive Sigismondo could have for wishing to get rid of his wife. Two years afterwards he married Polissena, daughter of the famous coudottiere Francesco Sforza, who in 1443 bore him a son named Galeotto Roberto. But by this time he was already madly in love with Isotta degli Atti, and this was the passion that endured to his death. The lady succeeded in gaining an absolute ascendency over him, which increased with time. She bore him several children, but this did not prevent his having others by different concubines. Nor was this the sum of his excesses. He presently conceived a frantic passion for a German lady, the wife of a certain Borbona, who repulsed his advances. Thereupon he planned an ambuscade on the road to Fano in order to seize her by force. The lady arrived escorted by armed men, but Sigismondo attacked her so furiously that she was killed in the struggle, and it is said that he then wreaked his lust on her corpse (19th December 1448). Such being the nature of the man, it is not astonishing that, as his ardour for Isotta increased, he should have little scruple in ridding himself of his second wife. On the 1st June 1450 Polissena died by strangling, and on the 30th of the same month Isotta’s offspring were legitimated by Nicholas V.

It is only just to record that, although Malatesta’s intrigue with Isotta had long been notorious to all, and he had never sought to conceal it, no one ever accused her of either direct or indirect complicity in her lover’s crimes. Isotta’s history, however, is a strange one, and opens up many curious questions. She was of noble birth and seems to have attracted Sigismondo’s notice as early as 1438, for at the age of twenty he produced verses of some merit in praise of her charms. She was indeed widely celebrated for her beauty and intellect, culture, firmness, and prudence; and even Pope Pius II. proclaimed her worthy to be greatly loved. When Sigismondo was absent she governed Rimini wisely and well, and proved herself a match for the statesmen with whom she had to deal. The leading poets of the court dedicated to her a collection of verses entitled Isottaei, styled her their mistress and the chosen of Apollo. Artists of renown perpetuated her features on canvas, on marble, and on many exquisite medals, one of which has a closed book graven on the reverse, with the inscription “Elegiae” in allusion to poems she was said to have written. Nevertheless M. Yriarte, in his well-known book on the Malatesta and Rimini, asserts that there is documentary evidence to prove that Isotta was unable to sign her own name. He has arrived at this conclusion on the strength of certain documents found in the archives of Siena. These consist mainly of two letters addressed to Malatesta in 1454, when he was encamped near Siena, and both written and signed by the same hand. The first, signed Isotta, gives him news of his children, affectionately reproaches him with having betrayed her for the daughter of one Messer Galeazzo, and winds up by saying that she cannot be happy until he fulfils his often renewed promise, i.e. , to make her his wife. The second, bearing the same date, is signed with the initials of another woman: “De la V. S. serva” (Your Highness’s servant) “S. de M.”— probably one of the Malatesta. This correspondent says that she had already written to him that day, by command of Isotta, who had gone with her to see Messer Galeazzo’s daughter, and freely vented her just indignation. Therefore M. Yriarte maintains that, had Isotta been able to write herself, she would not have employed another to speak of her love and jealousy and of the desired marriage. He feels assured that Isotta must have been altogether illiterate, since even the signature was written by another. But, as the second letter proves that Isotta went with her confidant to vent her rage on her rival, it is plain that she had no secrets from that friend. It is also possible that S. de M. (particularly if a Malatesta) had been charged by Sigismondo to watch over Isotta, and therefore not only acted as her amanuensis, but also wrote privately to explain or confirm that which she had already written to him by Isotta’s wish. For the tyrant of Rimini was of a brutally jealous nature. At any rate the second letter solves the doubts suggested by the first. Nor is it at all surprising that Isotta should have her letters written and signed by another hand, when such was by no means an uncommon practice among the princes and nobilities of her day. Lucrezia Borgia, for instance, frequently did the same. It is besides simply incredible that a woman of the Italian Renaissance, of Isotta’s birth, standing, and reputation, should have been unable to write.

Her marriage with Malatesta did not take place until 1456; but of the ardent affection that had long bound them together there are stronger proofs than the lover’s juvenile verses, or than even the children Isotta had borne to him. For, more than all else, the temple of St Francis has served to transmit to posterity the history of their loves. Malatesta decided on building this remarkable church as a thankoffering for his safety during a dangerous campaign undertaken for Pope Eugenius IV. about the year 1445.

The first stone was laid in 1446, and the work was carried on with so much alacrity that mass was performed in it by the close of 1450. Sigismondo entrusted the execution of his plans to L. B. Alberti, who had to encase in a shell of classic architecture a 13th-century Franciscan church. The original edifice being left intact, it was a difficult question how to deal with the windows and the Gothic arches of the interior. Alberti solved the problem with marvellous skill, blending the old architecture with the new style of the Renaissance, and giving it variety without destroying its unity of effect.

Being eager to adorn his temple with the most precious marbles, Sigismondo’s veneration for antiquity did not prevent him from pillaging many valuable classical remains in Rimini, Ravenna, and even in Greece. Such was the zeal with which Alberti pursued his task that the exterior of the little Rimini church is one of the finest and purest achievements of the Renaissance, and surpasses in beauty and elegance all the rest of his works. But it is much to be deplored that he should have left the upper part of the façade unfinished. Alberti came to Rimini, made his design, saw the work begun, and then left it to be carried out by very skilful artists, on whom he impressed the...