DONATELLO (1386-1466), the diminutive of Donato, was the son of Niccolo Bardi, and was born in Florence in 1386. In the struggle between the rival parties of the Albizzi and the Medici, the father took part with the former, and was involved in their ruin. He must have been a man of considerable property, judging from the decree by which his houses are confiscated. His son Donatello found protection and shelter and the means of early training from the Martelli family, and to this connection must be ascribed Donatello’s introduction to the great Cosmo de’ Medici, pater patrice, who during the life-long relation between himself and the artist, did everything to efface, by kindness towards the son, the recollection of the sufferings which the house of Medici had inflicted on the father. He learned the goldsmith’s trade under the father of the renowned Lorenzo Ghiberti, and the goldsmith’s trade then included all kinds of bronze creations. At the age of seventeen he set out for Rome with his friend Brunellesco. At Rome the two young men maintained themselves by working as goldsmiths during the first half of the week, devoting the second half to the study of the ancient monuments, and to making excavations in search of lost works of art. The Romans, we are told, believed them to be treasure-seekers. The Romans of Donatello’s time still reflected the feelings with which their forefathers, nearly three centuries before, had wondered when the agents of Henry of Blois, bishop of Winchester, dug up and carried away from their city similar artistic treasures. On their return to Florence, rich in artistic knowledge and treasures, the careers commenced in which Brunellesco was destined to hang above the Florence cathedral the dome of the Pantheon, and Donatello to impart to ...the multitudinous creations of his chisel the truthfulness and grace and power for which he was so largely indebted to his ancient models. There exist 40 works of Donatello of unquestioned authenticity, and 31 respecting which controversies have arisen; and 25, recorded by his contemporaries but no longer found, must be added to the number. When it is borne in mind that many of these works are life-size or colossal statues, o∙r large bas-reliefs crowded with figures, an idea may be formed of the extent of his labours, prosecuted untiringly during a life which extended to eighty years. He was fortunate in the precise period of his labours. During the whole of the previous century Florentine art had concentrated its efforts on the creation of its grand architectural monuments. In the second half of the 15th century sculpture was cultivated, but chiefly to adorn the palaces and gratify the vanity of the rich. Donatello, placed between the two periods, could devote his genius to the execution of the great plastic works required for the completion and adornment of the public buildings of the state. Hence the statues of the church of St Michele, those on Giotto’s belfry, the pulpit of St Lorenzo, those in the baptistry, as well as all the other works which still remain exactly where first placed—unhappily no longer the case with the St George—possess an exceptional beauty; for no sculptor ever studied more carefully than Donatello the exact relation of a work to its local destination. The varied and characteristic elements of Donatello’s art, what he borrowed from the antique, what peculiar tricks of drapery he took from his immediate predecessors, how, from his first habit of painting his figures he passed into a phase of purely sculptured effects, how he was influenced by his friend Brunellesco in his treatment of proportion and perspective, how he imparted a more pictorial character by the greater flatness of the figures to his bas-reliefs, all this forms one of the most interesting chapters in the history of Renaissance sculpture. Besides Florence he worked also at Rome, Padua, Venice, Siena, Modena, Mantua, and Ferrara; and he visited Rome a second time. In Padua he produced, in 1432, the equestrian statue of Gattainelata with some minor works, and as almost his latest work we may consider the statue of St Louis of France, executed for St Croce. To English students of art it may be satisfactory to learn that, in the opinion of Semper, the South Kensington museum possesses seven undoubted specimens of Donatello, besides one, the Magdalen seated on clouds, probably by a scholar, and a virgin and child of doubtful origin. Donatello, though best known as a sculptor, was likewise a painter,— at least was admitted as such into the academy of St Lucca in 1412. We find him paid for architectural drawings and opinions respecting the dome of the Florence cathedral in 1420, and he was sent as military engineer to the siege of Lucca in 1430. His first trade of goldsmith was never abandoned. Thus varied and versatile, we cannot but form the highest opinion of one respecting whom Vasari has said that he threw the same love of art into every work great or small, and that he always did more than he promised. His life-long attachment to his patron Cosmo was only equalled by his lavish kindness to his friends; for we read that the large sums received by him were kept in an open box in his workshop, and that his friends when wanting money were invited and expected to help themselves, no questions being asked or receipts given. In his last years he was provided for by Piero, the son of Cosmo. He died at Florence in 1466. Donatello’s greatest works, his Baptist, David, Judith, St George, and Mark, are declared by some recent critics not to rise into the highest sphere of true Christian art. The sculptor, we are told, wanted the deep faith of Michelangelo. Perhaps the best corrective of this criticism is the language of Michelangelo himself, who, when gazing with generous admiration on the St Mark, exclaimed, “So noble a figure could indeed write a gospel.”
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DONATI, Giovanni Battista, professor of astronomy at the Royal Institution of Florence, was born at Pisa, December 16, 1826, and died at Florence, September 20, 1873. In 1852 he became an assistant at the Florentine observatory, of which in 1864 he was appointed director. On June 2, 1858, he discovered the comet which bears his name (see vol. ii. p. 815). Other comets were discovered by him on June 3, 1855, November 10,1857, and July 23 and September 9,1864. He made numerous spectroscopic observations of comets and the solar disc, aud in 1862 published diagrams of three or four lines in the spectra of fifteen stars. The new observatory on the hill of Arcetri, near Florence, was erected under his superintendence, and was directed by him. At the time of his death Donati had just returned from Vienna, where he was the representative of Italy in the international meteorological congress.
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DONATISTS, a powerful sect which formed itself in the Christian church of northern Africa in the beginning of the 4th century. In its doctrine it sprang from the same roots, and in its history it had in many things the same character, as the earlier Novatians. The predisposing causes of the Donatist schism were the belief, early introduced into the African church, that the validity of all sacerdotal acts depended upon the personal character of the agent, and the question, arising out of that belief, as to the eligibility for sacerdotal office of the traditores, or those who had delivered up their copies of the Scriptures under the compulsion of the Diocletian persecution; the exciting cause was the election of a successor to Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, who died in 311. Mensurius had held moderate views as to the quaestio υexata of the treatment of the traditores, and accordingly a strong fanatical party had formed itself in Carthage in opposition to him, headed by a wealthy and therefore influential widow named Lucilla, and countenanced by Secundus of Tigisis, primate of Numidia. There were thus two parties each anxious to secure the succession to the vacant see. The friends of the late bishop fixed their choice on Caecilian, the archdeacon, and secured his election and his consecration by Felix, the bishop of Aptungis, before the other party were ready for action. It had been customary, though probably it was not essential, that the Numidian bishops should be present at the election and consecration of the bishop of Carthage; Caecilian’s party had not waited for them, knowing them to be in sympathy with their opponents. Soon after Caecilian’s consecration, however, Secundus and seventy of the Numidian bishops arrived at Carthage, and steps were at once taken to ...displace the new bishop. A synod was formed before which Caecilian was summoned; his consecration was declared invalid, on the ground that Felix had been a traditor; and finally, having refused to obey the summons to appear, he was excommunicated, and Majorinus, a dependent of Lucilla’s, consecrated in his stead. Thus the schism became overt, and in a very short time there were rival bishops and rival churches in most of the cities of North Africa, as well as in Carthage.
The inevitable appeal to the civil power to settle the dispute was first made by the Donatists, who were incited to do so by receiving proof, in their exclusion from certain privileges conferred on the African church, that the sympathies of Constantine were with the other party.
They accordingly petitioned the emperor to appoint a commission to try the case, indicating a preference for Gallic bishops, among whom there were no traditors, the Diocletian persecution not having extended to Gaul. The result was that a commission was issued to five Gallic bishops, under the presidency of Miltiades, bishop of Rome. The number of referees was afterwards increased to twenty, and the case was tried at Rome in 313. Ten bishops appeared on each side, the leading representative of the Donatists being Donatus of Casae Nigrae. The decision was entirely in favour of Caecilian, and Donatus was found guilty of various ecclesiastical offences. An appeal was taken and allowed; but the decision of the synod of Arles (314) not only confirmed the position of Caecilian, but greatly strengthened it by passing a canon that ordination was not invalid because performed by a traditor, if otherwise regular. Felix had previously been declared innocent after an examination of records and witnesses at Carthage. A further appeal to the emperor in person was heard at Milan in 316, when all points were finally decided in favour of Caecilian. As a necessary consequence of this the power of the state was directed to the suppression of the defeated party. Persistent Donatists were no longer merely heretics; they were rebels, and incurred the confiscation of their church property and the forfeiture of their civil rights.
The attempt to destroy by force a fanatical sect had its usual result in only intensifying its fanaticism and consolidating its sectarianism. Majorinus, the Donatist bishop of Carthage, dying in 315, was succeeded by Donatus, surnamed Magnus, a man of great force of character, under whose influence the schism gained fresh strength from the opposition it encountered. Force was met with force; the Circumcelliones, bands of fugitive slaves and vagrant (circum cellas) peasants, were enlisted as the champions of Donatism, and their violence reached such a height as to threaten civil war. In 321 Constantine, seeing probably that he had been wrong in abandoning his usual policy of toleration in this case, sought to retrace his steps by granting the Donatists liberty to act according to their consciences, and declaring that the points in dispute between them and the orthodox should be left to the judgment of God. This wise policy, to which he consistently adhered to the close of his reign, was not followed by his son and successor in the Western Empire, Constans, who, after repeated attempts to win over the sect by bribes, resorted to persecution. The renewed excesses of the Circumcelliones, among whom were ranged fugitive slaves, debtors, and political malcontents of all kinds, had given to the Donatist schism a socialist aspect; and its forcible suppression may therefore have seemed to Constans even more necessary for the preservation of the empire than for the vindication of orthodoxy. The power which they had been the first to invoke having thus declared so emphatically and persistently against them, the Donatists were led to adopt the theory known in more recent times as that of spiritual independence, which Donatus Magnus formulated in the question, “What has the emperor to do with the church!” (Quid est imperatori cum ecclesia?) Such a theory naturally aggravated the lawlessness of the Circum-cellion adherents of the sect, and their outrages were in turn made the justification for the most rigorous measures against the whole Donatist party indiscriminately. Many of their bishops fell victims to the persecution, and. Donatus and several others were banished from their sees.
With the accession of Julian (361) an entire change took place in the treatment of the Donatists. Their churches were restored and their bishops reinstated, with the natural result of greatly increasing both the numbers and the fanaticism of the sect. A return to the earlier policy of repression was made under Valentinian I. and Gratiau, by whom the Donatist churches were again closed, and all assemblies of adherents of the sect forbidden. It was not, however, until the commencement of the 5th century that the sect began to decline, owing partly to the occurrence of a division within it, but still more to the arguments used against it by the greatest theologian of the early church. The division arose out of a quarrel between Maximian, a deacon in Carthage, and Primian, the successor, of Parmenian in the (Donatist) bishopric. Maximian, being excommunicated, formed a party which, as Neander puts it, “stood in precisely the same relation to the body of the Donatists as the Donatists themselves did to the Catholic church.” The dispute was a source of weakness in itself, and still more by the unanswerable arguments it furnished to the Catholic party, who during the reign of the emperor Honorius made repeated and determined efforts to secure the extinction of the schism. In 405 an imperial edict was issued commanding the Donatists, under the severest penalties, to return to the Catholic church. Meanwhile the more appropriate weapon of argument was being effectively wielded by the Catholic party, under the leadership of one of the ablest controversialists the Christian church has ever known. Augustine, bishop of Hippo, after several years’ negotiation, found it possible to arrange a great conference between the Donatists and the orthodox, which took place under the orders of the emperor at Carthage in 411. There were present two hundred and eighty-six Catholic and two hundred and seventy-nine Donatist bishops. Before entering on the proceedings the Catholics pledged themselves, if defeated, to give up their sees, while in the other event they promised to recognize the Donatists as bishops on their simply declaring their adherence to the Catholic church. The latter proposal, though it was received with scorn at the time, had perhaps ultimately as much influence as the resistless logic of Augustine in breaking the strength of the schism. The discussion, which lasted for three days, Augustine and Aurelius being the chief speakers on the one side, and Primian and Petiliau on the other, turned exclusively upon the two questions that had given rise to the schism,—first, the question of fact, whether Felix had been a traditor, and secondly, the question of doctrine, whether a church by tolerance of unworthy members within its pale lost the essential attributes of purity and catholicity. On the second point, to which alone abiding interest attaches itself, the Catholic view was stated and defended by Augustine with a force of argument, an aptness of quotation from Scripture (often, however, founded on misinterpretation), and a beauty of language that all but compel assent. Nowhere else in polemical theology are there to be found more valuable statements as to the connection between the divine and the human elements in the communication of grace, and as to the relative importance of the two attributes of catholicity and purity respectively as tests of the true church. It is to be observed, however, that on the side of Augustine as well as on that of his opponents there is the inevitable confusion of thought that arises from failure to apprehend the distinction between the visible and the invisible church.
The decision of Marcellinus, the imperial commissioner, was in favour of 'the Catholic party on both questions, and it was at once confirmed on an appeal to the emperor. As in the case of the similar decision almost exactly a century earlier, there followed the severest penal measures against the schismatics, the clergy being banished and the laity subjected to heavy fines. The extinction of the schism, which all the arguments of Augustine had failed to effect, was still less to be brought about by persecution. The Donatists continued to maintain an independent existence until the 7th century, when they disappear from history, along with the whole Christian church of North Africa, before the invading Saracens.
Sources.—1. Contemporary. - -Optatus MilevitanUs De Schismate Donatistarum Lib. VII., (Dupuis’s ed., Paris, 1700), and several of the works of Augustine. 2. Modem.—Walsh’s Entwurf einer vollständigen Historie der Ketzereien, Neander’s Kirchcngeschichte, Hagenbach’s Kirchengeschichte, Herzog’s Encyclopädie, art. “Don-atisten,” Robertson’s History of the Christian Church.
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DONATUS, Aelius, a grammarian and rhetorician, who taught at Rome in the middle of the 4th century a,d., had the honour of numbering St Jerome among his pupils, and was the author of a number of professional works. We still possess his Ars grammatica, consisting of three parts, De Uteris, syllabis, pedibus et tonis, De octo partibus orationis, and De barbarismo, solecismo, schematibus, et tropis; tho larger portion of his commentary on Terence, in a greatly interpolated condition; and a few fragments of his notes on Virgil preserved and severely criticised by Servius. The first of these works, and especially the section De octo partibus, though possessing little claim to originality, and in fact evidently based on the same authorities which were used by Charisius and Diomedes, attained such popularity as a school-book that in the Middle Ages the writer’s name became a common metonymy for a rudimentary treatise of any sort, and bade fair to furnish as permanent an addition to the English vocabulary as has been obtained in French from the name of Calepinus. Avaricia, for example, in the Vision of Piers Plowman, tells how he “drowe among draperes his donet to learn;” and bishop Pecock published about 1440 a Donat into Christian Religion. On the introduction of printing the little book was one of the first rendered accessible by the new process, and editions were soon multiplied to such an extent that the bibliography of Donatus is nearly as intricate a subject as that of the Bible. Copies still exist, though in a mutilated condition, of impressions produced by the early wooden-block system, details about which may be found in Sotzmann’s “Aelteste Geschichte der Xylographie” in the Historische Taschenbuch for 1837. The Ars Grammatica is reprinted by Putsch in ...Gram. Latinae Auctores Antiqui, Hanover, 1605, and by Lindemann in Corpus Grammaticorum Latinorum, vol. í; and the Commentaries on Terence, first published at Rome in 1472, may be found in Klotz’s edition of the dramatist, 1838-40. The Commentary on Virgil discovered by J. Jovian Pontanus, and published by Scipio Capecius at Naples in 1535, is the work of a later grammarian of the same name, Tiberius Claudius Donatus.
See Teuffel, History of Roman Literature, vol. ii., and the writers there referred to.
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