It is to be noted that the river Onega, which after a course of about 260 miles reaches the Gulf of Onega, an inlet of the White Sea, has no connexion with Lake Onega. At the mouth of this river (on the right bank) stands the district town and port of Onega (2275), which dates from settlements made by the people of Novgorod in the 15th century, and known in history as the Ustenskaya or Ustyanskaya volost. It has a cathedral (St Michael and the Holy Trinity), erected in 1796.

These doctrines found their practical expression in a social system of pure communism. In the Oneida Community, founded in 1848, “not one said that aught of the things which he possessed was his own, but they had all things in common.” The Community was a large family or brotherhood, numbering at one time over three hundred members, the common bond being paramount. The children were regarded as belonging primarily to the Community; and it was a favourite theory, which they made some attempts to realize, that children should be begotten and reared only under the best conditions. So far as their experiments in this direction extended, the results, they claimed, justified their theories, and they adduced in confirmation the testimony of critical observers like Professor Goldwin Smith, who wrote after a visit to the Community as follows :—

“Undeniably, they are a fine, healthy-looking, merry set of children. They are reared under conditions of exceptional advantage, which could not fail to secure health to'the offspring of any but positively diseased parents. The nurseries, with everything about them, are beautiful. Large playrooms are provided for exercise in winter. The nurses are not hirelings, but members of the Community who voluntarily undertake the office. Every precaution is taken against the danger of infection. A simple and wholesome dietary is enforced, and no mother or grandmother is permitted to ruin digestion and temper by administering first a poison from the confectioner’s and then another poison from the druggist’s.”

But, while the Oneida Communists extended the pentecostal principle to all social relations, they yet maintained strict order among themselves. The thousands of visitors who annually inspected their dwellings and factories, and admired their lawns and gardens, discovered none of the usual signs of lax social morality. Credit for this is unquestionably due in part to the strong personal influence of Mr Noyes, but credit is also due to the members for voluntarily subjecting themselves to a system of self-control in the intercourse of the sexes called “male continence,” and to “mutual criticism,” which last was in fact exalted into their principal means of government. The system is one of plain truth-telling, and was termed “mutual” because it was expected that all, or nearly all, would alternate as critic and subject. Sometimes persons were criticized by a standing committee selected for the purpose by the Community, sometimes by committees of their own selection, sometimes by the whole Community. The critics were expected in all cases to speak the truth without fear or favour, that the subject might see himself, whatever his faults or virtues, as others saw him.

Radical as its theories and practices were, the Oneida Community was able to conduct its experiment with much success for thirty years. About that time public opinion, aroused by the clergy of the surrounding region, demanded that its social practices should be abandoned; and this was accordingly done in 1879, under the counsel of its founder and president, Mr Noyes, who had many times previously expressed his willingness to conform to the wishes of the public respecting the practical assertion of his social principles. This important change led to other changes in the society, including the introduction of marriage and family life; and in 1880 communism of property gave place to joint-stock, and the Community was legally incorporated as the Oneida Community, Limited. Each member now has a separate individual interest represented by shares of stock, in place of the undivided interest he formerly had in the common property. These changes were so wisely managed that the complex manufacturing and commercial businesses of the society were not seriously disturbed. In the division of the property of the Community, prior to its reorganization into a joint-stock company, a guarantee of support was first offered to all elderly and infirm persons in lieu of stock; secondly, a guarantee was pledged for the support and education of the children of the Community till sixteen years of age; thirdly, labour in the new company was guaranteed to all members of the old society; fourthly, some co-operative features were preserved, such as common dwellings and lawns, a common laundry, library, reading-room, &c.

Although the Oneida Community was started with very limited capital (the inventoried valuation of its property in 1857 being only 867,000), and hard work and poor fare were the lot of its members for many years, yet industry and business integrity brought their usual rewards, and upon the reorganization the members were able to divide 8600,000. The last annual report of the Oneida Community, Limited, filed with the secretary of state at Albany, New York, shows that its assets, 1st January 1884, were 8785,656,—a sum covering, not only its capital stock of 8600,000, but a surplus fund of 824,050, and all liabilities against the company.

The Oneida Community, Limited, owns water-powers and factories at Wallingford, Connecticut, and Niagara Falls, New York, as well as at Community, New York; but its business is principally carried on at the two places last named. At Wallingford there existed, previous to the reorganization, a branch community, varying from thirty to sixty members, and having a common interest in the parent society,—both men and means being transferred from one society to the other as occasion required.

The Oneida Community has been often described by writers not connected with the society, the most noteworthy being Colonel T. W. Higginson, Professor Goldwin Smith, Charles Nordhoff in Communistic Societies of the United States, and William H. Dixon in New America. The Community also published many pamphlets and larger works in exposition of its principles and social life, and a newspaper during its entire career of thirty years. These may be consulted in several of the public libraries of the United States, and also in the British Museum, which has a complete set of the publications of the Oneida Community. The following list includes the more important books and pamphlets :— History of American Socialisms, by John H. Noyes, 1870; Berean, Home-Talks, Salvation from Sin, Male Continence, Scientific Propagation, Dixon and his Copyists, all by the same author; Report on the Health of the Children of the Oneida Community, by Dr T. R. Noyes; Foot-Notes, by Alfred Barron; Mutual Criticism, and American Communities, by William Alfred Hinds. (W. A. H.)

ΌΝΕΙΖΑ, or 'Aneysa, a town in the Nefιid or sand country of Al-Kasim and, after Riâd, the most considerable place in Nejd or highland Arabia, appears to have been founded about 500 years ago, near the now ruined village of Jennah (settled some centuries before by colonists of the Bani Khâlid). These new places were in the circuit of the old Bani Tamim towns destroyed by the sword of Khâlid b. Walid, whose sites are now named Al- c Eyaria (Manzil Εyar) and Al-Owshazia. Colonists of the Kaisite stock of Sbeya Arabs were the first builders of Oneiza, and the emirs of the township are still of this blood. After them came in colonists of the Tamim, who now form the chief element in the population. The old faction warfare between the villages Jennah and Oneiza was incessant, and the Bani Khâlid had the greatest name in Nejd till the rise of the Wahhâbite power. Jennah then made alliance with the Montefi⅛ Arabs in the north; Oneiza sided with the Wahhâbites, and, these soon overrunning all, a part of the Jennah villagers abandoned their country, and went to live in Mesopotamia, and the rest came in to inhabit Oneiza. The site of their old village is now in the orchards of Oneiza, enclosed by the common town-wall.

Oneiza is built upon an old seil (freshet) strand (2600 feet above sea-level), and has been sometimes damaged by floods; the houses are of clay; the population, greatly increased, as Mr Doughty was told, in the fifteen years preceding his visit, was computed by him at nearly 7000. The site is near the great Wâdi al-Romma (comp. Yâkùt, iii. 738), and beyond the wâdi, at 11 miles’ distance, is the other great township of Middle Nejd, Boreida, less than Oneiza, with a population probably of 5000.

The people of these and the neighbouring towns, as Al-Russ, are in great part caravaners and merchants; they are the Lombards of Arabia, and are called in the Mecca country “the easterlings,” and in the Syrian and Mesopotamian border-lands the 'Azeil. These world-wandering men are commonly of easy, liberal mind in doctrines of religion, whilst the large half of their home-dwelling fellow-citizens are sour Wahhâbites. In these upper parts of the peninsula we see yet some remains of the ancient Arabian civilization. Here is found the art, elsewhere lost, of stone-cutting and well-building; and at Oneiza are goldsmiths whose work is among the best seen in the bazaars of Mecca. Oneiza has an appearance of commercial prosperity, but the poor farmers are much indebted ¾o the money-lenders. The townsmen are among the greatest coffee-drinkers in Arabia. The horse-dealers of Oneiza procure young horses from the nomads round the town, even as far as Yemen, and ship these (known in India as “Oneiza horses ”) at Koweyt for Bombay.

When Ibrahim Pasha marched to Nejd against the Wahhabite power this town was held by a resident for Ibn Sa’ùd. Ibrâhîm shelled the clay fortress, but allowed the governor to depart with arms and baggage. After the building of Al-Riâd Oneiza fell again to the Wahhabites. Jellowwy, a brother of the Wahhabite prince Feysel ibn Sa'ιιd, was resident, but, bearing himself oppressively, he was expelled, as had been determined in a secret council of the sheikhs. This brought Ibn Sa’iid with all Nejd under arms, and the Shammar prince Ibn Rashid, to recover the rebellious town. He encamped upon the borders of the Wadi al-Romma, and lay there till the second year (1853-54), but attempted nothing (since Arabs cannot be commanded or led to storm a clay town-wall even if, as in this case, it is no more than 18 inches thick), and then departed, making peace with the townsmen upon their own terms. A second war followed after eight years. Abdullah al-Aziz al-Mohammed, the natural prince of Boreida, worsted by the Wahhabite faction, fled to Oneiza; and a little later, when he was going to take refuge with the sherif of Mecca, the Wahhâbites lay in wait for him in the desert and killed him. Word being carried to Oneiza, the townsmen sent out armed men, who overtook and fought with them because they had killed the guest of Oneiza, thus drawing a new conflict on the town. Mohammed, another brother of the prince Ibn Sa’iid, came against Oneiza, and all subject Arabia in arms with him; and to meet this multitude Oneiza had little more than 1000 men. The Wahhâbites had cannon, but could not handle them; the '0neizians, in their walled township, followed their daily labours at leisure. The citizens made one sally in force, but after heavy fighting were driven back with a loss of 200 men. There were two slighter skirmishes in long months of warfare. At length the besiegers, impatient of the time vainly spent, drew homeward, and Ibn Sa’iid returned to Al-Riâd.