VESTA (Greek Ғ εστία ), the goddess of fire and the domestic hearth. The cults of the Greek Hestia and the Latin Vesta, both of which involved the guardianship of an ever-burning sacred fire, are most probably derived from a very early custom, common to a great variety of races, and practised during many different ages. Among people in a primitive state of development the production of fire is a slow and very laborious process; thus it became the custom for each village to maintain a constant fire for the general use of the community, in order to avoid the troublesome necessity of obtaining a spark by friction in case of the accidental extinction at one time of all the village fires. This fire, the central hearth or Ғ εστία of the village (focus publicus), became a sacred symbol of home and family life, and by degrees grew into a religious cult of great sanctity and importance. The form of the primitive house in which the fire was preserved, probably a round hut made of wattled osiers daubed with clay, appears to have survived both in the circular prytaneum of the Greeks and in the Aedes Vestae in Rome. To watch this fire would naturally be the duty of women, and especially of those who were not burdened with the cares of maternity, and hence may have arisen the Roman order of virgin priestesses, whose chief duty it was to tend the sacred fire. A survival of the prehistoric method of getting a spark appears to have existed in the rule which enacted that, if ever the sacred fire of Vesta did go out, the negligent vestal was to be punished by scourging (Livy, xxviii. 11), and the fire rekindled either by friction of dry sticks or, in later times, by the sun’s rays brought to a focus by a concave mirror (Plut., Numa, 9). In the prytaneum, which existed in ...every Greek state, a different form of cult was developed, though the essential point, the sacred fire, was kept up, just as in the Latin worship of Vesta; and in both cases the fire was extinguished annually at the beginning of the new year, and solemnly rekindled by one of the primitive and hence sacred methods. In Rome this was done on the first day of March, the Latin New Year’s Day (Ovid, Fast., iii. 137-145). Both among Greek and early Latin races, at the founding of a new colony fire was solemnly sent from the prytaneum or Vesta temple of the mother colony to kindle a similar sacred fire in the new settlement. Thus we find that, according to tradition, the worship of Vesta in Rome was introduced from Alba Longa (Liv., i. 20, and Ov., Fast., iii. 46), which appears to have been the oldest of the Latin colonies in Latium. This intimate connexion between the Greek prytaneum fire, sacred to Hestia, and that of Vesta in Rome has been ably worked out by Mr J. G. Frazer in the paper quoted above. The most generally received Latin legend attributes the founding of the Roman temple of Vesta to Numa, who transferred the centre of the cult from Alba, together with the four vestal virgins, its priestesses (Plut., Numa, 10). One of the later kings, either Tarquin I. or Servius Tullius, is said to have increased the number to six (Dion. Hal., iii. 67, and Plut., Numa, 10), and it is not till the last years of the pagan period that we hear of a seventh vestal having been added (see Ambrose, Epis., ed. Pareus, p. 477; also Plut., Rom. and Cam.).
The election (captio) of the vestal during the early period of Rome was in the hands of the king, and in those of the pontifex maximus under the republic and empire, subject, however, to the following conditions (Aul. Gell., i. 12);—(1) the candidate was to be more than six and less than ten years of age; (2) she was to be patrima and matrima, i.e., having both parents alive; (3) free from physical or mental defects; (4) daughter of a freeborn resident in Italy. Certain details of the election were arranged subject to the provisions of the Lex Papia, now unknown. The selected child had her hair cut off, and was solemnly admitted by the pontifex maximus, who held her by the hand, and, addressing her by the name amata, pronounced an ancient formula of initiation, which is given by A. Gellius in his interesting chapter on the subject (i. 12). In early times there were certain rules by which girls could be excused from serving as vestals, but the honour soon became so eagerly sought that these provisions were practically useless. Vows were taken by the vestal for a limited period of thirty years, after which she was free to return to private life and even to marry— a thing very rarely done (Aul. Gell., vi. 7). This period of thirty years was divided into three decades: during the first the vestal learnt her duties; during the second she practised them; and during the third she instructed the young vestals. The special dignity of chief of the vestals, or virgo vestalis maxima, was reached in order of seniority. The inscriptions on the pedestals of statues of various vestales maximae show that a number of different grades of honour were passed through before reaching the maximatus or highest dignity. The duties of the vestals, besides the chief one of tending the holy fire (Cic., De Leg., ii. 8), consisted in the daily bringing of water from the sacred spring of Egeria, near the Porta Capena, to be used for the ceremonial sweeping and sprinkling of the Aedes Vestae. They also offered sacrifices of salt cakes— muries and mola salsa— and poured on the altar of sacred fire libations of wine and oil, as is represented on the reverses of several first brasses and medallions of the empire (see fig. 1). The vestals were bound to offer daily prayers for the welfare of the Roman state, and more especially in times of danger or calamity (Cic., Pro Font., 21). They were also the guardians of the seven sacred objects on which the stability of the Roman power was supposed to depend: the chief of these was the Palladium, a rude archaic statue of Pallas, which was said to have been brought by Aeneas from the burning Troy. This sacred object was never shown to profane eyes, but it is represented on the reverse of a coin struck by Antoninus Pius in honour of his deified wife Faustina
(see fig. 1). Strict observance of the vow of chastity was one of the chief obligations of the vestals, and its breach was horribly punished by burial alive at a place near the Porta Collina known as the Campus Sceleratus (see Livy, viii. 15 and 89; Plin., Ep., iv. 11; and Suet., Dom., 8). Cases of unchastity and its punishment were rare; and, as the evidence against the vestal was usually that of slaves, given under torture, it is probable that in many instances an innocent vestal suffered this cruel death. The case described by the younger Pliny (sup. cit.) is one of special pathos, as the vestal appears to have been condemned without any sufficient evidence, simply at the wish of the emperor Domitian. A fanciful reason for this fearful punishment is given by Ovid, Fast, vi. 459-460.
The privileges of the vestals and their influential position were very remarkable. They were exempt from any patria potestas, except that of the pontifex maximus, their religious father; they could dispose by will of their property, and were in most respects not subject to the Roman laws (“legibus non tenetur,” Servius, on Virg., Aen., xi. 204; cf. Gaius, i. 130, and Dion Cass., lvi. 10). This involved freedom from taxes, and the right to drive through the streets of Rome in carriages {plostrum and currus arcuatus). Some bronze plates have been found which were once attached to the carriages of vestals; the inscription on one of them runs thus, Flaviae Publiciae v.v. maximae inmunis in jugo (see C. I. L., vi. 2146-2148; cf. also Pruden., Contr. Symm., ii. 1088). They were preceded by a lictor when appearing on state occasions, and enjoyed other semi-royal honours (Plut., Numa, 10, and Dion Cass., xlvii. 19). At theatres and other places of amusement they enjoyed the best seats, except at some of the nude athletic contests, from which they were excluded; they also took an important part in all the grand religious and state ceremonies, such as when the pontifex maximus offered sacrifice on the occasion of a triumph before the temple of Capitoline Jupiter. They had power to pardon any criminal they met in the street on his way to execution, provided that the meeting were accidental. The vestals alone shared with the emperors the privilege of intramural burial (Serv., Ad Aen., xi. 206). During life they were richly dowered by the state (Suet., Aug., 31) and had public slaves appointed to serve them (see Tac., Hist., i. 43). They were also the guardians of the emperor’s will, and of other important documents of state (Suet., J. Caes., 83, and Aug., 101; Tac., Ann., i. 8; Plut., Anton., 58; and Appian, Civ., v . 73). Their influence in the appointment to many offices, both religious and secular, appears to have been very great. Many of the statues to the chief vestals which were found in the Atrium Vestae in 1883-84 have pedestals inscribed with a dedication recording that benefits had been conferred on the donor by the vestalis maxima. Lastly, they lived in a style of very great splendour: their house, the Atrium
Vestae, which stood close by the Aedes Vestae, was very large and exceptionally magnificent both in decoration and material. The discovery already mentioned of a number of statues of vestales maximae has thrown new light on the dress of the vestals. With one or two exceptions the costume of these statues is much the same: they have a long sleeveless tunic or stola, girdled by the zona immediately below the breast. One only wears the diploidion over the upper part of her figure. The outer garment is an ample pallium, wrapped round the body in a great variety of folds, and in some cases brought over the head like a hood. All seem to have long hair, showing that the process of cutting off the hair at initiation was not repeated. One figure (see fig. 2) wears the suffibulum, a rectangular piece of white cloth bordered by a purple stripe, worn over the head and fastened on the breast by a fibula.
According to Festus (ed. Müller, p. 348), this sacred garment was worn by the vestals only during the act of sacrificing (see also Varro, De Ling. Lat., vi. 21). This is probably the only existing statue on which this rare garment is represented. In all cases the head is closely bound by vittae, rope-like twists of woollen cloth, the ends of which usually fall in loops on each shoulder (see Servius, Ad Aen., X. 538).
The Regia, or official fanum of the pontifex maximus, was adjacent to the vestal’s house: —
“Hic locus est Vestae, qui Pallada servat et ignem;
Hic fuit antiqui Regia parva Numae."
When Augustus, after his election to the office of pontifex maximus in 12 B.c., moved his place of residence from the Regia to the Palatine, he built a new Aedes Vestae near his palace, in the magnificent Area Apollinis. This appears to have been a copy of the older temple of Vesta. No traces of it now exist; but Pirro Ligorio, in the latter part of the 16th century, made some sketches of what then existed of this second temple, to illustrate his great MS. on Roman antiquities, which is now preserved in the royal library at Turin (see Ovid, Fast., iv. 949-954, and Metam., XV. 864). The original course of the Sacra Via was supposed to have passed close to the temple of Vesta; but excavations made in 1886 have shown that this was not the case, the supposed line of the road being really blocked by a very early structure. There is reason to believe that this formed part of the original Regia, which was rebuilt during the reign of Augustus in a more magnificent way by Domitius Calvinus, after his Spanish triumph.
The Vestalia, or chief festival in honour of Vesta, was held on 9th June (Ovid, Fast., vi. 249), after which the temple was closed for five days for a ceremonial cleansing. In private houses the feast was celebrated by a meal of fish, bread, and herbs, eaten, not on the usual triclinium, but by the domestic hearth, in front of the effigies of the Dii Penates (Ovid, Fast., vi. 309-310). The feast inaugurated by Augustus in honour of Vesta Palatina was held on 28th April, the anniversary of its consecration.
With regard to statues of the goddess, though the Greek Hestia was frequently represented in plastic art, yet among the Romans Vesta appears to have been rarely so treated. The Athenian prytaneum contained a statue of Hestia. But there was no effigy in the Roman temple of Vesta, although one is commonly shown on reverses of coins which have a representation of the temple, and it appears to have been commonly thought in Rome that a statue of Vesta did exist inside her shrine,—a mistake which Ovid corrects (Fast., vi. 297-300). No Roman statue now known can be certainly considered to represent Vesta, though a very beautiful standing figure of a female with veiled head (in the Torlonia collection) has, with some probability, had this name given to it.
The worship of Vesta appears to have died out slowly in the 4th century, after the adoption of Christianity as the state religion by Constantine. Zosimus (Hist. Nov., V. 38) tells an interesting story of a visit made to the Atrium Vestae at the end of the 4th century by Serena, the wife of the Vandal Stilicho, who took a valuable necklace from one of the statues, in spite of the remonstrances of an aged woman, the last survivor of the vestal virgins. Soon after that time the building appears to have fallen into decay, its valuable marble linings and other ornaments having been stripped from its walls.
Literature.— For further information the reader is referred, in addition to the works quoted above, to Lipsius, De Vesta et Vestalibus Syntagma, printed in Graevius, Thes. Ant. Rom., vol. v.; Cramer, Kleine Schriften, ed. by Ratjen, Leipsic, 1837, p. 89 sq.; Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, ii. p. 624 sq. ; Nardini, Roma Antica, ed. of 1818-20, ii. p. 185 sq. ; Brohm, De Jure Virginum Vestalium, Thorn, 1835; Preuner, Hestia-Vesta, Tübingen, 1864; Jordan, Vesta und die Laren, Berlin, 1865, and more recent papers; Maes, Vesta e Vestali, Rome, 1883; Lanciani, L' Atrio di Vesta, Rome, 1884; and C. I. L., vi. p. 594, No. 2131 sq. ( J . H. Μ.)
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VESTMENTS, in ecclesiastical law, are the garments worn during the church service by the officiating clergy. In England and Scotland before the Reformation the vestments in use were similar to those still worn by the Roman Catholic clergy,—probably modifications of the dress of Roman citizens in their origin (see Costume)— and were either sacrificial, as the chasuble, or non-sacrificial, as the surplice. After the Reformation the question of vestments became of comparatively small importance in the Church of Scotland; but in the Church of England it has in recent years been the cause of much controversy and litigation.
The “ornaments rubric” at the beginning of the Book of Common Prayer, dating from 1662, provides “that such ornaments of the church and of the ministers thereof at all times of their ministration shall be retained and be in use as were in this Church of England by the authority of parliament in the second year of the reign of King Edward VI.” The reference in this rubric is to the vestments enjoined by the first prayer book of Edward VI. (1549). The surplice (with the addition of the hood in cathedrals and colleges, and for preaching)· was the priest’s dress for the service other than the communion. In the communion the bishop was to wear, besides a rochet, a surplice or alb. with a cone or vestment...
(also called a chasuble), and to have a pastoral staff borne by himself or his chaplain. The officiating priest was to wear a white alb, plain, with a vestment or cope, the assisting ministers albs with tunicles. The second prayer book of Edward VI. (1552) enjoined the use of the surplice only. The Act of Uniformity of Elizabeth (1 Eliz. c. 2) provided for the use of the 1549 vestments, “until other order shall be therein taken by the authority of the queen’s Majesty, &c.” In 1564 the Advertisements of Elizabeth were issued, under which the legal vestments were fixed to be the cope worn by the principal minister, with gospeller and epistoler agreeably, in the ministration of the communion, but at ordinary services and at prayers (other than those during the ministration of the communion) said at the communion table the surplice only. Deans and prebendaries were to wear hoods. The point which the judicial committee of the privy council has been called upon more than once to decide is whether the Advertisements of Elizabeth— coupled with the Injunctions of 1559 and subsequent visitations— were such taking of “other order” as to supersede the ornaments rubric. It has been held that they were, and the effect of the decisions has been to reduce the legal vestments to the surplice and hood for all ordinary purposes, with the addition of the cope for the administration of the communion on high feast days in cathedral and collegiate churches. The cope was also allowed by the canons of 1603-4. A bishop wears in addition a rochet. The chasuble, alb, and tunicle had, as has been said, post-Reformation authority, but the girdle, amice, stole, maniple, dalmatic, and biretta were never legally recognized since that time. The stole, however, is frequently worn, by deacons generally arranged as a scarf over the left shoulder. Much information on the subject will be found in the first Report of the Royal Commission on Ritual, issued in 1867.
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