WILL, or Testament, is an instrument by which a person regulates the rights of others over his property or family after his death. For the devolution of property not disposed of by will, see Inheritance, Intestacy. In strictness “will” is a general term, whilst “testament” applies only to dispositions of personalty; but this distinction is seldom observed. The conception of freedom of disposition by will, familiar as it is in modern England, is by no means universal. In fact, complete freedom is the exception rather than the rule. Legal systems which are based upon Roman law, such as those of Scotland and France, allow the whole property to be alienated only where the deceased leaves no widow or near relatives. In France this restriction has met with condemnation from eminent legal and economical authorities. Μ. Troplong, for instance, holds that “un peuple n’est pas libre, s’il n’a pas le droit de tester, et la liberté du testament est la plus grande preuve de la liberté civile.” History. — The will, if not purely Roman in origin, at least owes to Roman law its complete development,—a development -which in most European countries was greatly aided at a later period by ecclesiastics versed in Roman law. In India, according to the better opinion, it was unknown before the English conquest; in the Mosaic law and in ancient Athens the will, if it existed at all, was of a very rudimentary character. The same is the case with the Leges Barbarorum, where they are unaffected by Roman law. The will is, on the other hand, recognized by Rabbinical and Mohammedan law. The early Roman will, as Sir H. Maine shows, differed from the modern will in most important respects. It was at first effectual during the lifetime of the person who made it; it was made in ...public; and it was irrevocable. Its original object, like that of adoption, was to secure the perpetuation of the family. This was done by securing the due vesting of the hereditas in a person who could be relied upon to keep up the family rites. There is much prob ability in the conjecture that a will was only allowed to be made when the testator had no gentiles discoverable, or when the gentiles had waived their rights. It is certain from the text of Gaius that the earliest forms of will were those made in the comitia calata, and those made in procinctu, or on the eve of battle. The former were published before the comitia, as representative of the patrician g entes, and were originally a legislative act. These wills were the peculiar privilege of patricians. At a later time grew up a form of plebeian will (festamentum per aes et libram), and the law of succession under testament was further modified by the influence of the praetor, especially in the direction of recognition of fideicommissa (see Trust). Codicilli, or informal wills, also came into use, and were sufficient for almost every purpose but the appointment of an heir. In the time of Justinian a will founded partly on the jus civile, partly on the edict of the praetor, partly on imperial constitutions and so called testamentum tripartitum, was generally in use. The main points essential to its validity were that the testator should possess testamentary capacity, and that the will should be signed or acknowledged by the testator in the presence of seven witnesses, or published orally in open court. The witnesses must be idonei, or free from legal disability. For instance, women and slaves were not good witnesses. The whole property of the testator could not be alienated. The rights of heirs and descendants were protected by enactments which secured to them a legal minimum. The age at which testamentary capacity began was fourteen in the case of males, twelve in the case of females. Up to 439 A.D. a will must have been in Latin; after that date Greek was allowed. Certain persons, especially soldiers, were privileged from observing the ordinary forms. The liability of the heir to the debts of the testator varied at different periods. At first it was practically unlimited. Then the law was gradually modified in his favour, until in the time of Justinian the heir who duly made an inventory of the property of the deceased was liable only to the amount of the property to which he had succeeded. This limitation of liability is generally termed by the civilians beneficium inventarii. Closely connected with the will was the donatio mortis causa, the rules of which have been as a whole adopted in England (see below). An immense space in the Corpus Juris is occupied with testamentary law. The whole of part v. of the Digest (books xxviii,-xxxvi.) deals with the subject, and so do a large number of constitutions in the Code and Novels.
The effect of Christianity upon the will was very marked. For instance, the duty of bequeathing to the church was inculcated as early as Constantine, and heretics and monks were placed under a disability to make a will or take gifts left by will. A will was often deposited in a church. The canon law follows the Roman law with a still greater leaning to the advantage of the church. No church property could be bequeathed. Manifest usurers were added to the list of those under disability. For the validity of a will it was generally necessary that it should be made in the presence of a priest and two witnesses, unless where it was made in pias causas. The witnesses, as in Roman law, must be idonei. Gifts to the church were not subject tor the deductions in favour of the heir and the children necessary in ordinary cases. In England the church succeeded in holding in its own hands for centuries jurisdiction in testamentary matters·.
The Roman law of wills has had considerable effect upon English law. In the words of Sir H. Maine, “The English law of testamentary succession to personalty has become a modified form of the dispensation under which the inheritances of Roman citizens were administered.” At the same time there are some broad and striking differences which should be borne in mind. The following among others may be noticed. (1) A Roman testator could not, unless a soldier, die partly testate and partly intestate. The will must stand or fall as a whole. This is not the case in England. (2) There is no one in English law to whom the universitas juris of the testator descends as it did to the Roman heres, whose appointment was essential to the validity of a formal will, and who partook of the nature of the English heir, executor, administrator, devisee, and legatee. (3) The disabilities of testators differed in the two systems. The disability of a slave or a heretic is peculiar to Roman law, of a youth between fourteen and twenty-one to English law. (4) The whole property may be disposed of in England; but it was not so at Rome, where, except by the wills of soldiers, children could not be disinherited unless for specified acts of misconduct. During the greater part of the period of Roman law the heir must also have had his fourth in order to induce him to accept the inheritance. (5) In English law all wills must conform to certain statutory requirements; the Romans recognized from the time of Augustus an informal will called codicilli. The English codicil has little in common with this but the name. It is not an informal will, but an addition to a will, read as a part of it, and needing the same formalities of execution. (6) There is a striking difference, unknown to Roman law, between wills of realty and wills of personalty. Probate is necessary for the latter but not for the former. The Roman legatum applied to both movables and immovables; in England a legacy or bequest is a gift of personalty only, a gift of real estate being called a devise. (7) The Roman will spoke from the time of making; the English speaks from the time of death. This difference becomes very important in case of alteration in the position of the testator between the making of the will and his death. As a rule the Roman will could not, the English can, pass afteracquired property.
Liberty of alienation by will is found at an early period in England. To judge from the words of a law of Canute, intestacy appears to have been the exception at that time. How far the liberty extended is uncertain: it is the opinion of some authorities that complete disposition of land and goods was allowed, of others that limited rights of wife and children were recognized. However this may be, after the Conquest a distinction, the result of feudalism, to use a convenient if inaccurate term, arose between real and personal property. It will be convenient to treat the history of the two kinds of will separately.
It became the law after the Conquest, according to Sir E. Coke, that no estate greater than for a term of years could be disposed of by will, unless in Kent, where the custom of Gavelkind {g.v.) prevailed, and in some manors and boroughs (especially the City of London), where the pre-Conquest law was preserved by special indulgence. The reason why devise of land was not acknowledged by law was, no doubt, partly to discourage death-bed gifts in mortmain, partly because the testator could not give the devisee that Seisin (q.vf) which was the principal element in a feudal conveyance. By means of the doctrine of uses, however, the devise of land was secured by a circuitous method, generally by conveyance to feoffees to uses in the lifetime of the feoffer to such uses as he should appoint by his will (see Trust). On the passing of the Statute of Uses lands again became non-devisable, with a saving in the statute for the validity of wills made before the 1st of May 1536. The inconvenience of this state of things soon began to be felt, and was probably aggravated by the large amount of land thrown into the market after the dissolution of the monasteries. As a remedy the Act of 32 Hen. VIII. c. 1 was passed in 1540, and was afterwards explained by 34 and 35 Hen. VIII. c. 5. The effect of these Acts was to make lands held in fee simple devisable by will in writing, to the extent of two-thirds where the tenure was by knight service, and the whole where it was in socage. Corporations were incapacitated to receive, and married women, infants, idiots, and lunatics to devise. The Act 12 Car. II. c. 24, by abolishing tenure by knight service, made all lands devisable. In the same reign the Statute of Frauds (29 Car. II. c. 3) dealt with the formalities of execution. Up to this time simple notes, even in the handwriting of another person, constituted a sufficient will, if published by the testator as such. The Statute of Frauds required, inter alia, that all devises should be in writing, signed by the testator or by some person for him in his presence and by his direction, and should also be subscribed by three credible witnesses. The strict interpretation by the courts of the credibility of witnesses led to the passing of 26 Geo. II. c. 6, making interested witnesses sufficient for the due execution of the will, but declaring gifts to them void. The will of a man was revoked by marriage and the birth of a child, of a woman by marriage only. A will was also revoked by an alteration in circumstances, and even by a void conveyance inter vivos of land devised by the will made subsequently to the date of the will, which was presumed to be an attempt by the grantor to give legal effect to a change of intention. As in Roman law, a will spoke from the time of the making, so that it could not avail to pass afteracquired property without republication, which was equivalent to making a new will. Copyholds were not devisable before 1815, but were usually surrendered to the use of the will of the copy hold tenant; 55 Geo. III. c. 192 made them devisable simply. Devises of lands have gradually been made liable to the claims of creditors by a series of statutes beginning with 3 and 4 W. and M. c. 14.
The history of wills of personalty was considerably different, but to some extent followed parallel lines. In both cases partial preceded complete power of disposition. The general opinion of the best authorities is that by the common law of England a man could only dispose of his whole personal property if he left no wife or children; if he left either wife or children he could only dispose of one-half, and one-third if he left both wife and children. The shares of wife and children were called their pars rationabilis. This pars rationabilis is expressly recognized in Magna Charta. At what period the right of disposition of the whole personalty superseded the old law is uncertain. That it did so is certain, and the places where the old rule still existed,—the province of York, Wales, and the City of London,—were regarded as exceptions. The right of bequest in these places was not assimilated to the general law until comparatively recent times by Acts passed between 1693 and 1726. A good will of personalty could be made by a male at fourteen, by a female at twelve. The formalities in the case of wills of personalty were not as numerous as in the case of wills of land. Up to 1838 a nuncupative or oral will was sufficient, subject, where the gift was of £30 or more, to the restrictions contained in the Statute of Frauds. The witnesses to a written will need not be “credible,” and it was specially enacted by 4 and 5 Anne c. 3 that anyone who could give evidence in a court of law was a good witness to a will of personalty. A will entirely in the testator’s handwriting, called a holograph will, was valid without signature. At one time the executor was entitled to the residue in default of a residuary legatee. But 11 Geo. IV. and 1 Will. IV. c. 40 made him in such an event trustee for the next of kin.
Jurisdiction over wills of personalty was till 1858 in the ecclesiastical courts, probate being granted by the diocesan court if the goods of the deceased lay in the same diocese, in the provincial court of Canterbury or York (the Prerogative Court) if the deceased had bona notabilia, that is, goods to the value of £5 in two dioceses. The ecclesiastical jurisdiction was of very ancient origin. It was fully established under Henry IL, as it is mentioned by Glanvill. In the City of London wills were enrolled in the Court of Hustings from 1258 to 1688 after having been proved before the ordinary. Contested cases before 1858 were tried in the Prerogative Court with an appeal originally to the Court of Delegates, later to the judicial committee of the privy council. There were also a few special local jurisdictions, probably for the most part survivals of the pre-Conquest period, when wills seem to have been published in the county court. The ecclesiastical courts had no jurisdiction over wills of land, and the common law courts were careful to keep the ecclesiastical courts within their limits by means of Prohibition (jj.vf No probate of a will of land was necessary, and title to real estate by will might be made by production of the will as a document of title. This is still the law in ordinary cases; but the Act of 1857 has introduced probate of will of land as an exceptional proceeding. The liability of the executor and legatee for the debts of the testator has been gradually established by legislation. In general it is limited to the amount of the succession. Personal liability of the executor beyond this can by the Statute of Frauds only be established by contract in writing.
Such were the principal stages in the history of the law as it affected wills made before 1838 or proved before 1858. The principal Acts now in force are the Wills Act, 1837 (7 Will. IV. and 1 Vict. c. 26), the Court of Probate Act, 1857 (20 and 21 Vict. c. 77), and the Judicature Acts. Some of the earlier Acts are still law, though of little importance since the more modern and comprehensive enactments. The earliest on the statute roll is 20 Hen. III. c. 2, enabling a widow to bequeath the crops of her lands. Before the Wills Act uniformity in the law had been urgently recommended by the Real Property Commissioners in 1833. It appears from their report that at the time of its appearance there were ten different ways in which a will might be made under different circumstances.
The Act of 1837 affected both the making and the interpretation of wills. Excluding the latter for the present, its main provisions were these. All property, real and personal, and of whatever tenure, may be disposed of by will. If customary freeholds or copyholds be devised, the will must be entered on the court rolls. No will made by any person under the age of twenty-one is valid. Every will is to be in writing, signed at the foot or end thereof by the testator or by some person in his presence and by his direction, and such signature is to be made or acknowledged by the testator in the presence of two or more witnesses present at the same time, who are to subscribe the will in the presence of the testator. Publication is not necessary. A will is not void on account of the incompetency of a witness. Gifts to a witness or the husband or wife of a witness are void. A creditor or executor may attest. A will is revoked (except where made in exercise of a power of appointment of a certain kind) by a later will, or by destruction with the intention of revoking, but not by presumption arising from an alteration in circumstances. Alterations in a will must be executed and attested as a will. A will speaks from the death of the testator, unless a contrary intention appear. The Act of 1857 transferred the jurisdiction, both voluntary and contentious, of all ecclesiastical, royal peculiar, peculiar, and manorial courts to the Court of Probate constituted by the Act, created a judge and registrars of that court, abolished the old exclusive rights in testamentary matters of the advocates of Doctors’ Commons, and laid down rules of procedure. Contentious jurisdiction was given to county courts where the personal estate of the deceased was under £200 in value. The Judicature Act, 1873, merged the old Court of Probate in the Probate, Divorce, and Admiralty Division of the High Court of Justice. The division now consists of the president and one other judge. The practice of the division is mainly regulated by the Rules of the Supreme Court, 1883. Appeals lie to the Court of Appeal and thence to the House of Lords. Before the Judicature Act they lay directly to the House of Lords. The principal rules now obtaining as to probate are these. Probate is confined as a rule to wills of personalty or of mixed personalty and realty, and is either in common form, where no opposition to the grant is made, or in solemn form, generally after opposition, when the witnesses appear in court. The Act of 1857 introduced proof of wills of realty in solemn form after citation of the heir-at-law and devisees. Probate may be granted either in the principal or in a district registry, and should be obtained within six months after the testator’s death. Where no executor is named in a will, the will is not now invalid, as was once the case, but administration cum testamento annexo is granted. The same course is pursued where the executor renounces or dies intestate before administering the estate of the deceased∣∙ After probate the probate (as the official copy of the will is called) itself becomes evidence, the original will being deposited in the principal registry at Somerset House, London. On grant of probate a duty, denoted by a stamp on the probate, is payable. It varies according to the amount at which the personalty is fixed by the oath of the executor. Other Acts dealing with the practice in wills and probate may be shortly stated. 15 and 16 Vict. c. 24 removed some of the difficulties which had arisen on the clause of the Wills Act that the signature was to be at the foot or end. 44 Vict. c. 12 enabled any...
[7,189 words — estimated reading time: 45 minutes]
“In his primitive condition as he came out of the hands of his Creator, man was endowed with such a portion of knowledge, holiness, and power, as enabled him to understand, esteem, consider, will, and to perform the true good, according to the commandment delivered to him: yet none of these acts could he do, except through the assistance of divine grace. But in his lapsed and sinful state, man is not capable, of and by himself, either to think, to will, or to do that which is really good; but it is necessary for him to be regenerated and renewed in his intellect, affections or will, and in all his powers, by God in Christ through the Holy Spirit, that he may be qualified rightly to understand, esteem, consider, will, and perform whatever is truly good. When he is made a partaker of this regeneration, or renovation, since he is delivered from sin, he is capable of thinking, willing, and doing that which is good, but yet not without the continued aids of divine grace.” Such were the sentiments of the often misrepresented Arminius on this subject; to which is only to be added, to complete the Scriptural view, that a degree of grace to consider his ways, and to return to God, is through the merit of Christ vouchsafed to every man. Every one must be conscious that he possesses free will, and that he is a free agent; that is, that he is capable of considering and reflecting upon the objects which are presented to his mind, and of acting, in such cases as are possible, according to the determination of his will. And, indeed, without this free agency, actions cannot be morally good or bad; nor can the agents be responsible for their conduct. But the corruption introduced into our nature by the fall of Adam has so weakened our mental powers, has given such force to our ...passions, and such perverseness to our wills, that a man “cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God.” The most pious of those who lived under the Mosaic dispensation often acknowledged the necessity of extraordinary assistance from God: David prays to God to open his eyes, to guide and direct him; to create in him a clean heart, and renew a right spirit within him, Psalm li, 10; cxix, 18, 33, 35. Even we, whose minds are enlightened by the pure precepts of the Gospel, and urged by the motives which it suggests, must still be convinced of our weakness and depravity, and confess, in the words of the tenth article, that “we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of God preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us when we have that good will.” The necessity of divine grace to strengthen and regulate our wills, and to coöperate with our endeavours after righteousness, is clearly asserted in the New Testament: “They that are in the flesh cannot please God,” Rom. viii, 8. “Abide in me,” says our Saviour, “and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine, no more can ye, except ye abide in me. I am the vine, and ye are the branches: he that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit; for without me ye can do nothing,” John xv, 4, 5. “No man can come to me, except the Father, which hath sent me, draw him.” “It is God that worketh in you, both to will and to do of his good pleasure,” Phil. ii, 13. “Not that we are sufficient of ourselves to think any thing as of ourselves, but our sufficiency is of God,” 2 Cor. iii, 5. “We know not what to pray for as we ought, but the Spirit helpeth our infirmities,” Rom. viii, 26. We are said to be “led by the Spirit,” and to “walk in the Spirit,” Rom. viii, 14; Gal. v, 16, 25. These texts sufficiently prove that we stand in need both of a prevenient and of a coöperating grace. This doctrine we find asserted in many of the ancient fathers, and particularly in Ambrose, who, in speaking of the effects of the fall, uses these words: “Thence was derived mortality, and no less a multitude of miseries than of crimes. Faith being lost, hope being abandoned, the understanding blinded, and the will made captive, no one found in himself the means of repairing these things. Without the worship of the true God, even that which seems to be virtue is sin; nor can any one please God without God. But whom does he please who does not please God, except himself and Satan? The nature therefore, which was good is made bad by habit: man would not return unless God turned him.” And Cyprian says, “We pray day and night that the sanctification and enlivening, which springs from the grace of God, may be preserved by his protection.” Dr. Nicholls, after quoting many authorities to show that the doctrine of divine grace always prevailed in the catholic church, adds, “I have spent, perhaps, more time in these testimonies than was absolutely necessary; but whatever I have done is to show that the doctrine of divine grace is so essential a doctrine of Christianity, that not only the Holy Scriptures and the primitive fathers assert it, but likewise that the Christians could not in any age maintain their religion without it,--it being necessary, not only for the discharge of Christian duties, but for the performance of our ordinary devotions.” And this seems to have been the opinion of the compilers of our excellent liturgy, in many parts of which both a prevenient and a coöperating grace is unequivocally acknowledged; particularly in the second collect for the evening service; in the fourth collect at the end of the communion service; in the collect for Easter day; in the collect for the fifth Sunday after Easter; in the collects for the third, ninth, seventeenth, nineteenth, and twenty-fifth Sundays after Trinity. This assistance of divine grace is not inconsistent with the free agency of men: it does not place them under an irresistible restraint, or compel them to act contrary to their will. Our own exertions are necessary to enable us to work out our salvation; but our sufficiency for that purpose is from God. It is, however, impossible to ascertain the precise boundary between our natural efforts and the divine assistance, whether that assistance be considered as a coöperating or a prevenient grace. Without destroying our character as free and accountable beings, God may be mercifully pleased to counteract the depravity of our hearts by the suggestions of his Spirit; but still it remains with us to choose whether we will listen to those suggestions, or obey the lusts of the flesh. We may rest assured that he will, by the communication of his grace, varied often as to power and distinctness, help our infirmities, invigorate our resolutions, and supply our defects. The promises that if we draw nigh to God, God will draw nigh to us, and pour out his Spirit upon us, James iv, 8; Acts ii, 17, and that he will give his Holy Spirit to every one that asketh him, Luke xi, 13, imply that God is ever ready to work upon our hearts, and to aid our well-doing through the powerful, though invisible, operation of his Spirit: “The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof, but canst not tell whence it cometh and whither it goeth; so is every one that is born of the Spirit,” John iii, 8. The joint agency of God and man, in the work of human salvation, is pointed out in the following passage: “Work out your own salvation with fear and trembling; for it is God that worketh in you both to will and to do of his good pleasure,” Phil, ii, 12, 13; and therefore we may assure ourselves that free will and grace are not incompatible, though the mode and degree of their coöperation be utterly inexplicable, and though at different times one may appear for a season to overwhelm the other. This doctrine has, however, been the subject of much dispute among Christians: some sects contend for the irresistible impulses of grace, and others reject the idea of any influence of the divine Spirit upon the human mind. The former opinion seems irreconcilable with the free agency of man, if held as the constant unvarying mode in which he carries on his work in the soul of man, and the latter contradicts the authority of Scripture; “and therefore,” says Veneer, “let us neither ascribe nothing to free will, nor too much; let us not, with the defenders of irresistible grace, deny free will, or make it of no effect, not only before, but even under, grace; nor let us suffer the efficacy of saving grace, on the other hand, to be swallowed up in the strength and freedom of our wills; but, allowing the government or superiority to the grace of God, let the will of man be admitted to be its handmaid, but such a one as is free, and freely obeys; by which, when it is freely excited by the admonitions of prevenient grace, when it is prepared as to its affections, strengthened and assisted as to its powers and faculties, a man freely and willingly coöperates with God, that the grace of God be not received in vain.” “All men are also to be admonished,” observes Cranmer, in his “Necessary Doctrine,” “and chiefly preachers, that in this high matter they, looking on both sides, so temper and moderate themselves, that they neither so preach the grace of God that they take away thereby free will, nor on the other side so extol free will, that injury be done to the grace of God.” And Jortin remarks: “Thus do the doctrine of divine grace and the doctrine of free will or human liberty unite and conspire, in a friendly manner, to our everlasting good. The first is adapted to excite in us gratitude, faith, and humility; the second, to awaken our caution and quicken our diligence.” Many, indeed, relying on mere abstract arguments, deny free will, in the strict meaning of the term, altogether, and define the mental faculties of man according to their various fancies. But the existence and nature of our moral and rational powers are and ought to be, in true philosophy, the subject of mental observation, not the sport of hypothesis. Those who love metaphysical abstractions may people the worlds of their imagination with beings of whatsoever character they prefer; but the nature and capabilities of man, as he really is, must be determined not by speculation but by experience. It is true that this experience is the object of consciousness, not of the senses; and, accordingly, each man is, in some respect, the judge in his own case, and may, if he chooses, deny his own freedom and his power of self control, or of using those means which God hath appointed to lead to this result. But this is seldom done in ordinary life, except by those abandoned individuals who seek, in such a statement, an excuse for capricious or unprincipled conduct,--an excuse which is never admitted by the majority of reasoning persons, much less by the truly pious. The latter, indeed, will always be found attributing any thing good they achieve to the coöperating efficacy of superior assistance. But they will, with equal sincerity, blame themselves for what they have done amiss; or, in other words, acknowledge that they should and might have willed and acted otherwise; and this is exactly the practical question, the very turning point, on which the whole controversy hinges. The only competent judges in such a question, says Dr. R. H. Graves, are those who have made it the subject of mental observation, exertion, and pursuit; or, in other words, those who have sought after righteousness, under whatever dispensation, Acts x, 35; Romans ii, 7, 10. And surely the confessions, the prayers, the repentance, and the sacrifices, of the humble and pious of all ages show that they felt, not only that they were themselves to blame for their actions, and therefore that they might have done otherwise, that is, they had a free will, but that, to make this will operative in spiritual matters, they required an aid beyond the reach of mere human attainment. Some may fancy this statement inconsistent in itself; and I allow that it cannot satisfy the mere speculative supporters either of free will or its opponents. But to me it seems the testimony of conscience and experience, which, in natural religion, must, as I conceive, be preferred to abstract hypothesis. The inquiry is not how the mind _may be_, but how it _is actually_, constituted. This surely is a question of fact, not of conjecture, and must therefore be decided by an appeal to common sense and experience, not by random speculation. Again: even those who in theory contend for the doctrine of necessity, yet in all the affairs of life where their interests, comforts, or gratifications are concerned, both speak and act as if they disbelieved it, and as if they really imagined themselves capable of such self determination and self control, as to improve their talents, their opportunities, and their acquirements, and so to exercise a material influence on their worldly fortunes. But suppose the assertions of individuals, as to their consciousness in this particular, to disagree. It is then evident, that, the question being as to the nature of man in general, it must be determined by the voice of preponderating testimony. But how, it may be asked, are the suffrages to be collected? Since the judgment of each individual must in this scheme be considered as a separate fact, how is a sufficiently extensive induction to be made? In answer, it may be asserted, that in every civilized nation the induction has been already made, the suffrages have been taken, the case has been tried, and the decision is on record. And the verdict is the most impartial that can be looked for in such a case, because given without any reference to the controversy in dispute. All human laws, forbidding, condemning, and punishing vicious actions, are grounded on the acknowledged supposition that man is possessed of a self control, a self determining power, by which he could, both in will and in deed, have avoided the very actions for which he is condemned, and in the very circumstances in which he has committed them. Nor would it be easy to find a case where the criminal has deceived himself, or hoped to deceive his judges, by pleading that he laboured under a fatal necessity, which rendered his crimes unavoidable, and therefore excusable. The justice of all legislative enactments evidently and essentially depends on the principle, that the things prohibited can be avoided, or, in other words, might have been done otherwise than they were done; and this is the very turning point of the controversy. Accordingly, in whatever instances such freedom of will is not presupposed, (as in the cases of idiots and madmen,) the operation of such enactments is suspended. All nations, therefore, who consent to frame and abide by such laws, do thereby testify their deliberate and solemn assent to the truth of this principle, and, consequently, to the existence of free will in man; and do certify the sincerity of their conviction by staking upon it their properties, their liberties, and their lives. Numberless other instances might be adduced in which the practice of mankind implies their belief in this principle. And so conscious of this are the opponents of free will, that they generally deprecate appeals to common sense and experience, and resort to metaphysical arguments to examine what is in truth a matter of truth, not of conjecture; or, in other words, to determine, not what man is, but what they imagine he _must be_. In their reasonings they differ, as might have been expected, as much from each other as they do from truth and reality. But the experience of common sense and conscience will always decide, that no man can conscientiously make this excuse for his crimes, that he could not have willed or acted otherwise than he did. The existence of the above faculties in the human mind once acknowledged leads, by necessary inference, to the admission, that there exists in the great First Cause a power to create them. Not, indeed, that these faculties themselves exist in him in the same manner as in us, but the power of originating and producing them in all possible variety. We can indeed conclude, that having created all these in us, his nature must be so perfect that we cannot attribute to him any line of conduct inconsistent with whatever is excellent in the exercise of these faculties in ourselves. And therefore we cannot ascribe to him, as his special act, any thing we should perceive to be unworthy of any just or merciful, any wise or upright, being. But this furnishes no clue whatever to a knowledge of the real constitution of his nature, or of the manner in which his divine attributes exist together. In truth, we no more comprehend how he wills than how he acts, and therefore we have no better right to assert that he wills evil than that he does evil. Again: we as little understand how he knows as how he sees, and therefore might as well argue that all things exist in consequence of his beholding them, as that all events arise in consequence of his foreknowing them. In short, all that can be inferred by reason concerning the intrinsic nature of the invisible, unsearchable Deity, must be admitted by the candid inquirer to be no better than conjecture. And he who should hope from such doubtful support as his fancied insight into the unknown operations of the divine mind to suspend a system of irrespective decrees, embracing the moral government of the world, would but too much resemble him who should imagine the material globe adequately sustained if upheld by a chain whose highest links were wrapped in clouds and darkness. Thus our affirmative knowledge of the Deity, as derived from this part of our inquiry, consists in the certainty, (though his nature is unknown to us,) that he is the creative source of all that is great, glorious, and good in heaven or in earth; while we may negatively conclude, that his moral government shall, on the whole, be conducted in a manner not inconsistent with whatever is excellent in the exercise of power and wisdom, justice and mercy, goodness and truth. Nor is it a little important, as connected with the present inquiry, to keep in mind this distinction between our affirmative and negative knowledge in this matter. For it shows us that as, on the one side, we cannot pretend to such an insight into the nature and character of the divine knowledge as to deduce therefrom a system of eternal and irrespective decrees; so neither, on the other, can this system of moral government be ascribed to the Deity, because it would be manifestly unworthy, not merely of him who has created all moral excellence, but of any of those beings on whom he has conferred the most ordinary degrees of mercy and justice. The natural benefits or evils arising out of moral or immoral practices are, in fact, so many rewards or punishments, exhibiting the Being who has so constituted our nature as a moral governor. This part of his government may not be so clearly discernible in individual instances, because much of the happiness and unhappiness attending virtue and vice is mental and invisible. In the case of nations, however, considered merely as bodies politic, the internal sanction of an approving or reproaching conscience, of subdued or distracting passions, can have no existence; and therefore the external sanctions are more uniformly enforced. Hence, whoever carefully examines the dealings of Providence with the human race will admit, that national prosperity has ever kept pace with national wisdom and integrity; whereas, the greatest empires, when once corrupted, have soon become the prey of internal strife or foreign domination. Again: man is made for society, and cannot exist without it: consequently, all the regulations which are really conducive to the maintenance of civil policy and social order must be regarded as evident consequences of our nature, when enlightened to the rational pursuit of its own advantage; and therefore should be considered as intimations of a moral government, carried on through their intervention. In addition to which, it ought to be observed, that these laws may...
[3,844 words — estimated reading time: 25 minutes]
WILLENHALL, a township of Staffordshire, England, in the parish of Wolverhampton, is situated on a branch of the Birmingham Canal and on the Midland and the London and North Western Railways, 3 miles east of Wolverhampton, 12 north-west of Birmingham, and 124 north-west of London. The township includes seven hamlets. The church of St Giles, originally erected in 1350, was rebuilt in 1867 in the Decorated style. There are three other churches in connexion with the Established Church, all of modern origin, and a Roman Catholic church. Willenhall possesses a literary institute, a free library, and a higher grade board school, erected in 1883. The waterworks became in 1868 the property of the Wolverhampton corporation. Willenhall is situated in the neighbourhood of extensive coal and iron mines, and possesses brass and iron foundries, and manufactories of various kinds of ironware, including door locks and padlocks, ironmongery for doors and gates, ferules, files, gridirons, steel traps, screws, and currycombs. There are also varnishing works and maltings. The population of the urban sanitary district (area 1368 acres) was 15,902 in 1871 and 16,067 in 1881.
The village began to be of importance in the reign of Elizabeth, when the coal and iron were first wrought.
[207 words — estimated reading time: 2 minutes]
WILLESDEN, a suburb and parish of London, about 4 miles north-west from Hyde Park Corner, is situated on a number of railway lines affording very convenient access to the City. It consists of a number of houses grouped round the parish church of St Mary, Queenstown, a district inhabited chiefly by the working classes; Willesden Green and the outlying hamlets of Brondesbury, Harlesden, Neasdon, Dollis Hill, Stroud Green, and Stonebridge Park are now largely occupied by villas. The church of St Mary, dating probably from the early part of the 14th century, contains some remains of Early English, with a Perpendicular chancel and tower. It was enlarged in 1851 and again in 1872. At Queenstown there are a workingmen’s institute, a workmen’s hall, and a Good Templars’ orphanage. In Willesden Lane there is a Jewish cemetery. The population of the urban sanitary district (area 4383 acres) was 15,869 in 1871 and 27,453 in 1881.
At Domesday the manor of Willesden and Harlesden was held by the canons of St Paul’s. In the 12th century it was formed into eight distinct manors, seven of which are held by the same number of prebendaries. The district is associated with the exploits of Jack Sheppard.
[208 words — estimated reading time: 2 minutes]
WILLIAM, surnamed the Lion, king of Scotland from 1165 to 1214. See Scotland, vol. xxi. p. 484....
WILLIAM (1533-1584), surnamed the Silent, prince of Orange, count of Nassau, was born at the castle of Dillenburg in Nassau on 16th April 1533. He was the eldest son of William of Nassau (died 1559) and his second wife, Juliana of Stolberg, a woman of remarkable piety and discretion, who devoted much thought and care to the training of her children. In 1544 he inherited from his cousin René or Renatus the principality of Orange and the great estates belonging to his family in the Netherlands (see Holland, vol. xii. p. 74 sqf He was educated at the court of Brussels in the Roman Catholic faith. Having attracted the attention of Charles V., he was invested by the emperor at the age of twenty-two with the command of the army on the French frontier; and it was on his shoulder that Charles V. leaned when in 1555, in the presence of a great assembly at Brussels, he transferred to his son Philip the sovereignty of the Netherlands. Orange was also selected to carry the insignia of the empire to Ferdinand, king of the Romans, when Charles resigned the imperial crown. He took part in Philip II.’s first war with France, and negotiated the preliminary arrangements for the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559). He was one of the hostages sent to France for the due execution of the treaty, and during his stay in that country Henry II., who entirely misunderstood his character, revealed to him a plan for the massacre of all Protestants in France and the Netherlands. The prince was horrified by this disclosure, but said nothing; and it was on account of his extraordinary discretion on this occasion that he received the surname of “the Silent.” The epithet is apt to convey a mistaken impression as to his general character. He was of a frank, open, and generous nature, without a touch of moroseness in the ordinary intercourse of life.
The persecution of the Protestants in the Netherlands, carried on with such reckless ferocity by Cardinal Granvella, led Orange, Egmont, and Horn, the most prominent of the great nobles, to protest against the violence of the Government; and in 1563 they wrote to Philip urging him to withdraw Granvella, and ceased to attend the state council. In the following year Granvella was displaced, whereupon they resumed their seats at the council; yet shortly afterwards it was decided by Philip that the canons of the Council of Trent, the edicts, and the Inquisition should be immediately promulgated in every town and village of the provinces, and that the process should be repeated every six months. At the meeting of the state council at which this was formally decided Orange disclaimed any responsibility for the consequences, and he whispered to his neighbour that now the most extraordinary tragedy the world had ever seen was about to begin. The proceedings of the Gueux or reforming party so alarmed the regent, Margaret of Parma, that she was persuaded to sign an accord, declaring the abolition of the Inquisition and granting liberty of worship in all places where the new forms of religion had been already accepted. In consequence of these concessions the great nobles undertook to restore order, the prince of Orange especially distinguishing himself at Antwerp. But Philip, who had been longing for an excuse to crush the independent spirits of the Nether landers, now resolved to send the duke of Alva into the country, with a Spanish force. Orange, since he could not count upon the hearty support of Egmont or Horn, had no alternative but to resign his offices and withdraw from the Netherlands (1567), taking up his residence at Dillenburg. He was warmly attached to Egmont, and before his departure, at an interview at Willebroeck, urged him to seek refuge in some foreign land; but Egmont was not to be persuaded, and the two friends parted never to see one another again.
Orange was repeatedly summoned to Brussels; but he declined to appear before the Council of Disturbances, on the ground that it had no jurisdiction over an independent prince and a knight of the order of the Fleece. The havoc wrought by Alva filled him with grief and anger; and in 1568 he contrived to collect two forces, one of which, commanded by his brothers Louis and Adolphus, gained a victory in Groningen, where Adolphus fell. Alva, having ordered the execution of Egmont and Horn, advanced against Louis and defeated him in East Friesland. Orange then invaded Brabant, but could neither bring Alva to a decisive engagement nor induce the people to rise against him. The army had therefore to be disbanded, and its disappointed leader joined Wolfgang of Zweibrücken in an attempt to aid the Huguenots. Acting on the advice of Coligny, Orange issued letters of mark to seamen against the Spaniards; and for years the “sea beggars” harassed the enemy along the coast, and often did no little harm to their own countrymen. In 1572 the revolt against Spain was so far successful that Orange resumed the functions of stadtholder of Holland and Zealand, a position to which he had been appointed in 1559; but he professed to rule in the name of the king, for as yet the people had no wish to throw off their allegiance to the Spanish crown. Orange had won their confidence not only by acting as their champion but by accepting the Protestant faith. He had never been an enthusiastic Catholic, and as a Protestant he was distinguished among the eminent men of his time by his mastery of the true principles of toleration. Meanwhile he had been using the utmost diligence in bringing together an army, and his brother Louis, by a brilliant stroke, had captured the city of Mons. On 15th July 1572 the estates of Holland met at Dort, and, recognizing Orange as the legal stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Utrecht, voted the sums necessary for the prosecution of the war. In August he crossed the Meuse at the head of an army, trusting mainly to the promised co-operation of France. All his hopes, however, were shattered by the massacre of St Bartholomew. He was obliged to disband his troops, and Mons was re-taken by the Spaniards. On 14th April 1574, at the village of Mook, near Nimeguen, the patriots were again routed, and Orange’s brothers, Louis and Henry, slain. But many fortified places held out, and on 3d October Orange, who had ordered the country to be inundated, was able to relieve Leyden, which had for months been defended with splendid bravery and self-sacrifice. At length the brutality and despotism of the Spaniards were so fiercely and generally resented that Orange was able to enter upon a series of negotiations, which resulted on 8th November 1576 in the pacification of Ghent, signed on behalf of nearly all the provinces. By this treaty the provinces bound themselves to drive the Spaniards from the Netherlands, to convoke the states-general, and to establish freedom of worship both for Roman Catholics and for Protestants.
Don John of Austria, Spanish regent of the Netherlands (1576-78), granted all the demands of the states; but Orange was suspicious of the intentions of the Government, and in nσ way relaxed his vigilance. Troubles soon broke out, and Orange was called to Brussels to the aid of the states, being elected τwwaaτd (governor) of Brabant. When the archduke Matthias (afterwards emperor) was invited by the Catholic nobles to accept the position of governor-general, Orange prudently refrained from resisting the scheme; and he acted with equal discretion in regard to the duke of Alençon, who came nominally as the protector of the liberties of the Netherlands. Orange, however, retained in his own hands complete control over the movement in the seven northern provinces, which by the Union of Utrecht, signed on behalf of five of the provinces on 23d January 1579, laid the foundations of the commonwealth of the United Netherlands. Orange’s relation to the new federal republic was somewhat vaguely defined; but in his lifetime it was not felt that there was any very urgent need for an exact delimitation of the relative functions of the executive and the legislative authorities. Negotiations for the conclusion of peace with Spain were carried on for some time in vain; and in 1580 Philip issued a ban against the prince, and set a price of 25,000 gold crowns upon his head. Orange pub lished a vigorous “apology,” and on 26th July 1581 the estates of the United Provinces formally renounced their allegiance to the Spanish crown. An unsuccessful attempt on the life of Orange was made in 1582. But on 10th July 1584 he was shot dead in his house at Delft by Balthazar Gerard, who seems to have been actuated in part by fanaticism, in part by the hope of gain.
William of Orange was tall and well-formed, of a dark complexion, with brown hair and eyes. He was a man of a singularly upright and noble character. He has been charged with excessive ambition; but his ruling motive was undoubtedly a love of justice, for the sake of which he often risked his life and willingly sacrificed his wealth and leisure. He was a born statesman, capable of forming wise and far-reaching plans, and of modifying them to suit the changing circumstances in which it was necessary to execute them. In moments of difficulty he displayed splendid resource and courage, and he had a will of iron, which misfortunes were never able either to bend or to break. To him chiefly belongs the honour of having permanently crippled the tyrannical power of Spain, and of having founded the independence and greatness of the United Provinces.
He was married four times. His wives were (1) Anne of Egmont (died 1558), by whom he had a daughter and a son, Philip William, who was seized by Alva in 1567 and sent to the court at Madrid, where he was educated; (2) Anne of Saxony (divorced in 1575, died in 1577), the mother of several daughters and of Maurice of Orange (see Holland, vol. xii. p. 77); (3) Charlotte of Bourbon (died 1582), who had six daughters; (4) Louisa, Coligny’s daughter, the mother of Frederick Henry of Orange floc. cit., p. 79), who represented the family after the death of his two elder brothers, and succeeded Maurice as stadtholder.
See Schiller, Geschichte des Abfalls der Vereinigten Niederlande ; Klose, Wilhelm I. von Oranien; Gachard, Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne and Correspondu nee de Philippe II. sur les Affaires des Pays-Bas ; Groen van Prinsterer, Archives ou Correspondance Inédite de la Maison d’Orange -Nassau; Juste, Guillaume le Taciturne d'après sa Correspondance et les Papiers d’État ; Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Republic.
WILLIAM of Holland, second count of the name, was born about 1227, succeeded his brother Floris IV. in 1235, and was chosen king of the Romans by the papal party in 1247. See Germ:any, vol. x. p. 491, and Holland, vol. xii. p. 71. He died on 28th January 1256.
WILLIAM, archbishop of Tyre, was doubtless a native of the Holy Land. He was perhaps born about 1137; but this is a mere inference from his own statement that he was still pursuing his studies “across the seas” when Amalric came to the throne (17th February 1163), and did not return till late in 1166 or early in 1167. As a child he had seen Ralph, the patriarch of Antioch, who died about 1141-42; he remembered the fall of Edessa (December 1144); and he seems to call himself a contemporary historian from the accession of Baldwin III., an event which he dates 10th November 1142 {Hist. Per. Transmarin. i xvi., pref., and xix. 4, 12). Unfortunately the chapter (xix. 12) which relates to his own early life has been excised or omitted from every MS. of his great work now extant,—a remark which holds good, not only for the original Latin, but also for the 13th-century French translation. William was appointed archdeacon of Tyre at the request of Amalric on 31st August 1167. Next summer he was despatched on an embassy to the emperor Manuel. At the time of the disastrous campaign against Damietta (October—December 1169) he had to take refuge at Rome from the “unmerited anger” of his archbishop. About. 1170 he was appointed tutor to Amalric’s son Baldwin, afterwards Baldwin IV. A very few months after Baldwin’s accession William was made chancellor of the kingdom (c. October 1174), and less than a year later (13th June 1175) was consecrated archbishop of Tyre. The former office he still held in 1182. He belonged to the commission which negotiated with Philip of Flanders in 1177; and in the following October (1178) he was one of six bishops sent to represent the Latin Church of the East at the Lateran Council (19th March 1179). He returned home by way of Constantinople, where he stayed seven months (October 1179-April 1180) with Manuel. This is his last authentic appearance in history; but we know from his own works that he was writing his History in 1182 (xix. 20), and that it breaks off abruptly at the end of 1183 or the beginning of 1184. Some fifty years later his first continuator accused Heraclius, patriarch of Jerusalem, of having procured William’s death at Rome. This story, however, seems to be pure legend; nor perhaps is much more credit to be attached to the theory that identifies him with the archbishop of Tyre sent over to Europe to preach a new crusade in 1188. It is true that Matthew Paris speaks of Henry H.’s receiving the cross from the hands of “Willelmus episcopus Tyrensis”; but more contemporary writers omit the Christian name, while others write it Josce or Joscius.
If not the greatest, William of Tyre is at least among the greatest, of mediaeval historians. His Historia Rerum in Partibus Transmarinis Gestarum is the main authority for the Latin kingdom of the East between 1127, where Fulcher of Chartres leaves off, and 1184, where Ernoul takes up the narrative. It was translated into French in the 13th century, or possibly before the end of the 12th. A little later it was united to Ernoul ’ s chronicle or that of Bernard the Treasurer, and continued in more than one form to 1249, 1261, or 1275. In this shape the combined histories form the Livre d’ Outremer quoted by Joinville (cxvii. § 77),—the standard mediaeval account of the exploits of the Frankish warriors in the East. William’s own work consists of twenty-two books and a fragment (one chapter and a preface) of book xxiii. It extends from the preaching of the first crusade by Peter the Hermit and Urban II. to the end of 1183 or the beginning of 1184. Like William’s other work, the Historia de Orientalibus Principibus, it was undertaken at the request of Amalric, who was himself a lover of history and supplied the author with Arabic MSS.; but, whereas the latter book (now unfortunately lost) was mainly based upon the writings of a certain “Seith, the son of Patrick (Patricii), patriarch of Alexandria,” of the Historia Transmarina its author remarks, “In this work we have had no guide, whether Greek or Arab, but have had recourse to traditions only, save as regards a few things that we have ourselves seen.” The “traditions” here spoken of must be taken to include the Gesta Francorum of Tudebode, Raymund of Agiles, Fulcher of Chartres, and, above all, Albert of Aix. It is only with the accession of Baldwin I., even if so early as this, that William’s claim to originality can fairly be sustained; and even here his narrative, till towards the close of book xiii., is based upon that of Fulcher. From this point William of Tyre is indebted to no other historian. Of the remaining books two are devoted to the reign of Fulk (xiv.-xv.), three to that of Baldwin III. (xvi.-xviii. ), two to that of Amalric, and the rest to that of Baldwin IV.
No mediaeval writer, except perhaps Giraldus Cambrensis, possesses William’s power of delineating the physical and mental features of his heroes. Again, very few had his instinctive insight into what would be of real value to future ages: genealogy, topography, archaeology, social life (political and ecclesiastical), military matters and naval, all find a due exposition in his pages. It is hardly too much to say that from his work alone a fairly detailed map of the Levant, as it was in the 12th century, might be constructed; and it is impossible to praise too highly the scrupulous fidelity with which he defines nearly all the technical terms (whether relating to land or sea) of which he makes use. His chief fault is in the matter of chronology, where indeed he is not unfrequently at discord with himself. In the later books his information, even as regards what was taking place beyond the Nile or the Euphrates, as well as in Europe, is singularly exact. Nor did he consider any trouble too severe if by its means he might attain to the truth. Though a man of great learning and almost certainly acquainted with Arabic and Greek, he is as ready to enliven his pages with a country proverb as to embellish them with quotations from Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, or Plato. He was a prelate of pious character, inclined to see the judgment of God on the iniquities of his fellow-countrymen in every disaster that overtook his native land and every Saracen success.
WILLIAM ofChampeaux. See Scholasticism, vol. xxi. pp. 422-423.
WILLIAM of Lorris, the first author of the Roman de la Pose, derives his surname from a small town about equidistant from Montargis and Gien, in the old district of the Gâtinais, and in the present department of Loiret. This and the fact of his authorship may be said to be the only things positively known about him. The rubric of the poem, where his own part finishes, attributes Jean de Meung’s continuation to a period forty years later than William’s death and the consequent interruption of the romance. Arguing backwards, this death used to be put at about 1260; but Jean de Meung’s own -work has recently been dated earlier, and so the composition of the first part has been thrown back to a period before 1240. The author represents himself as having dreamed the dream which furnished the substance of the poem in his twentieth year, and as having set to work to “rhyme it” five years later. The general characteristics of the Roman will be found noticed under France (see vol. ix. p. 643). It may be added here that, though the later and longer part shows signs of greater intellectual vigour and wider knowledge than the earlier and shorter, William of Lorris has more poetry than his continuator, made a much greater impression on the spirit of his own and following ages, and is to all appearance more original. The great features of his four or five thousand lines are, in the first place, the extraordinary vividness and beauty of his word-pictures, in which for colour, freshness, and individuality he has not many rivals except in the greatest masters, and, secondly, the fashion of allegorical presentation, which, hackneyed and wearisome as it afterwards became, was evidently in his time new and striking. There are of course traces of it before, as in some romances, such as those of Raoul de Houdenc, in the troubadours, and in other writers; but it was unquestionably William of Lorris who fixed the style. And to have fixed a style which captivated Europe for at least two centuries, if not three, does not happen to many of the personages of literary history.
The most convenient edition of the Roman de la Rose is that of F. Michel (2 vols., Paris, 1864).
WILLIAM of Malmesbury. See Malmesbury, William of.
WILLIAM of Newburgh, born about 1136, was a canon of Newburgh in the North Riding of Yorkshire, and author of a valuable chronicle of English affairs from the Norman Conquest to 1197. He calls himself Gulielmus Parvus, and is frequently referred to as William Petyt or Little. His work (Gulielmi Neubrigensis Rerum A nglicarum Libri V.) was edited by Silvius at Antwerp in 1567 and by Hearne at Oxford in 1719 (3 vols. 8vo); the latest edition is that by H. C. Hamilton for the English Historical Society (Historia Rerum A nglicarum Willelmi Parvi, S. T.D., Ordinis Sancti Augustini Canonici Regularis in Coenobio B. Mariae de Novoburgo in Agro Eboracensi, 2 vols., 1856).
WILLIAM of Wykeham (1324-1404), bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, was born in 1324 at Wickham in Hampshire. His father was a yeoman; his mother is said to have been of noble descent. He was educated at the priory school, Winchester, at the cost of Sir John Scures, lord of the manor of Wickham and governor of Winchester Castle, who afterwards took him into his service. When he was twenty-two years old he passed into the service of Edingdon, bishop of Winchester. In 1347 the bishop introduced him to the king as a young man likely to be useful from his skill in architecture. Edward III., who ∙was then completing the Round Tower at Windsor, made him his chaplain. But his employment for some time was mainly secular: he acted as guardian of several of the king’s manors and as derk of the works at Henley and elsewhere. In 1356 he was appointed surveyor of the works at Windsor, and a little later surveyor and warden of several other castles. In 1359 he began the building of the great quadrangle to the east of the keep at
Windsor, a work which occupied ten years. This building established his fame as an architect. Two years after its completion he was employed to build Queenborough Castle (Kent). Meanwhile he was also gaining experience in affairs of state. In 1360 he must have been a member of the king’s council, for he appears as a witness to the ratification of the treaty of Brétigny. In 1364 he became keeper of the privy seal. In 1365 he was one of the commissioners to treat for peace with Scotland. And, although he was not yet in holy orders, he was loaded by the king with preferments, one of which, the living of Pulham in Norfolk, involved him (about 1360) in a dispute with the pope. In fact he had attained to such eminence that Froissart says, “At this time there reigned in England a priest called Sir William de Wican, so much in favour with the king that by him everything was done.”
Early in life William had received the tonsure; but it was not till 1362 that he was ordained deacon and priest. In 1363 he became archdeacon of Northampton, and provost and prebendary of Wells. Although at this time he possessed a number of prebends, it appears, from a return which he made in 1366 on account of a papal bull against pluralities, that he only held one benefice with cure of souls. On the translation of Bishop Edingdon in this year from Winchester to Canterbury William was nominated by the king to the vacant bishopric; but the pope withheld his confirmation for some time, and it was not till October 1367 that William was consecrated bishop of Winchester. A month previously he had been made chancellor of England. During his first chancellorship the war with France was renewed and went against the English. The blame for this fell in great measure on the ministry, and in 1371 William resigned the great seal. But in 1373 he was one of a committee of the Lords appointed to confer with the Commons on the question of an aid. About this time he fell out with John of Gaunt, with whom he had previously been on good terms. Since the overthrow of the clerical ministry in 1371 John of Gaunt had been practically head of the government, but the conduct of his supporters caused general discontent. In the “Good Parliament” of 1376 Lord Latimer was impeached, and the bishop was active in promoting his trial and punishment. This was a great blow to John of Gaunt. The death of the Black Prince in June 1376 enabled him to take his revenge. The bishop was attacked in the council on the ground of malversation and misconduct of public affairs during his chancellorship, condemned to pay an enormous fine, and deprived of the temporalities of his see. The other bishops took his side and regarded his punishment as an insult to their order. It was not, however, till after the accession of Richard II. (1377) that William recovered his position. He then received a full pardon, and was reconciled to John of Gaunt.
During the next ten years he became more and more clearly identified with the constitutional or Lancastrian party. In 1380 and 1381 he was named on commissions for the reform of the king’s household. In 1382 he took part in a conference with the Commons. Next year he successfully opposed a demand from the lords of the Scottish marches for a share in the public funds in order to defray the expense of guarding the border, a duty on the performance of which rested their title to their lands. In 1386 he became one of the commission appointed to examine into the Exchequer and to act as a sort of council of regency. It was before this commission that the five “lords appellant” impeached Richard H.’s favourites, who next year were condemned by the “Merciless Parliament.” A year later (1389) the king suddenly resumed the reins of power. In order, apparently, to conciliate the clergy, Richard at once offered the great seal to the bishop of Winchester, who after some hesitation accepted the charge. His second chancellorship lasted for two years, and was marked by efforts on his part to reform the government and place it on a more constitutional basis. After he had held office for a year he and his colleagues in the ministry resigned their appointments, and challenged a public inquiry into their conduct. This being pronounced satisfactory, they resumed their offices. The chancellor drew up rules for the conduct of business in the council; and from this time minutes of the proceedings were regularly kept. In 1391 he resigned the great seal, and thenceforward retired from public life.
It is, however, as the founder of two great colleges that William is principally known to fame. Immediately after his promotion to the bishopric of Winchester he appears to have begun to carry out his educational schemes. Between 1369 and 1379 he bought the land enclosed in the north-eastern corner of the city walls at Oxford on which New College now stands (see Oxford, vol. xviii. p. 97). Meanwhile he was taking steps to establish the sister foundation at Winchester. In 1378 he obtained a licence from the pope to found a college there, which was confirmed by the king four years later. The ground on which Winchester College stands belonged partly to the bishop and partly to other proprietors, from whom he bought it. In 1387 he began to build, and the buildings were occupied by his scholars in 1393, though they do not appear to have been finished till 1395. When his two colleges were established and endowed, he provided them with statutes, which after several revisions took their final form in 1400. Nor does he appear to have neglected his duties as a bishop. He visited and reformed the hospital of St Cross near Winchester; he corrected the abuses which had crept into the priory of St Swithin; and he rebuilt or transformed the nave of Winchester cathedral. He kept a strict watch on the clergy under his charge, endeavouring to ensure their efficiency by frequently moving them from one living to another, and he promoted the material prosperity of his diocese by repairs of bridges and roads. In the relations between England and the papacy William of Wykeham strongly supported the nationalist policy of Edward III. The Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire met with his full approval. So far he was in accord with Wycliffe, but he showed no sympathy with the doctrinal opinions of the reformer. Bishop Courtenay, who headed the attack on Wycliffe, was a lifelong friend of the bishop of Winchester, who published in 1382 the interdict condemning Wycliffe’s heresies, and in 1392 sat on an episcopal commission to try his follower Henry Crumpe. William of Wykeham died at Waltham on 27th September 1404, and was buried in the cathedral of Winchester.
Authorities.— The episcopal register of William of Wykeham (preserved at Winchester); Walsingham, Historia Anglicana ; Lowth, Life of William of Wykeham, London, 1758; Walcott, William of Wykeham and his Colleges, 1852; Moberly, Life of William of Wykeham, Winchester, 1887.
[17 words — estimated reading time: 1 minute]
WILLIAM I. (1027 or 1028-1087), king of England, surnamed the Conqueror, was born in 1027 or 1028. He was the bastard son of Robert, duke of Normandy, and Herleva, daughter of Fulbert, a tanner of Falaise. When he was about seven years old his father, intending to go on pilgrimage and having no legitimate sons, proposed him as his heir. The great men of the duchy did homage to the child, and a year later (1035) his father’s death left him to make good his claim. Anarchy was the natural result of a minority. William’s life was on more than one occasion in danger and several of his guardians perished in his service. At the earliest possible age he received knighthood from the hands of Henry I. of France, and speedily began to show signs of his capacity for government. In 1042 he insisted that the “truce of God” should be proclaimed and observed in Normandy. When he was about twenty years old, his authority was threatened by a general conspiracy, which spread through the western half of his duchy. An attempt was made to seize him at Valognes, and he only escaped by riding hard all night to his own castle at Falaise. Bessin and Cotentin, the most Norman parts of Normandy, rose in rebellion. William sought and obtained aid from King Henry, and completely defeated the rebels at Val-es-Dunes near Caen (1047). The battle was but a combat of horse, but it decided the fate of the war and left William master of his duchy. The debt which he owed to Henry was repaid next year. War broke out between Geoffrey, count of Anjou, and Henry (1048), and William came to his suzerain’s assistance. Alençon, one of the chief border fortresses between Normandy and Maine, which had received an Angevin garrison, was captured by the duke. The inhabitants had taunted him with his birth, ...and William, who had dealt leniently with the rebels after Val-es-Dunes, took a cruel revenge. Soon afterwards Domfront, another important border fortress, fell into his hands.
In 1051 William visited England (see vol. viii. p. 289)∙. Two years later he married Matilda, daughter of Baldwin, earl of Flanders, and a descendant of Alfred. The marriage had been forbidden by a council at Rheims as uncanonical, and was opposed by Lanfranc, prior of Bee. This produced a quarrel between Lanfranc and William, who ravaged the lands of the abbey and ordered the banishment of its prior. Lanfranc, however, soon came to terms with the duke, and engaged to obtain a dispensation from Rome, which, however, was not granted till 1059. Strengthened by this alliance with Flanders, William showed himself more than a match for all his enemies. Henry, who had hitherto been for the most part friendly, now turned against him. After the suppression of some isolated revolts, William was threatened in 1054 by a great confederacy. His dominions were invaded by the forces of the French king, in combination with those of Geoffrey of Anjou, Theobald of Blois, and others. William remained at first on the defensive; then, falling suddenly on one of the French armies at Mortemer, in the north-eastern corner of his duchy, he cut it to pieces. This blow put an end to the war; Henry made peace (1055) and William took the opportunity of extending his dominions in a southerly direction. He built fresh fortresses and exacted homage from Count Geoffrey of Mayenne. In 1058 Henry and Count Geoffrey made a final effort to crush their dangerous neighbour; but the effort failed, like those which preceded it. William again allowed the allies to enter and ravage his territory; but, while the French army was crossing the Dive at Varaville, he attacked and completely destroyed their rear-guard, which was cut off from the van by the advancing tide. Henry again made peace, and soon afterwards died (1060). The death of Geoffrey of Anjou in the same year relieved William of his most formidable rival for the possession of Maine. Herbert Wake-Dog, the lawful ruler of that territory, who had been dispossessed by Geoffrey, recovered his dominions on the latter’s death. He at once “commended” himself to William, thus making the duke his heir. On his death in 1063 William took possession of Le Mans and the county of which it was the capital,—an acquisition which extended his southern frontier nearly to the Loire, almost severed Brittany from the rest of
France, and paved the way for the subsequent junction with Anjou.
It was apparently soon after this event, in the year 1064, that Harold, then earl of Wessex, visited Normandy. For the relations between him and William which grew out of this visit, see England, vol. viii. pp. 290-291. When Harold was elected and crowned king of England (1066), William’s first step was to send an embassy to him demanding the fulfilment of his promise. The purport of the demand is as uncertain as that of the pledge; but, whatever it was, Harold rejected it. The duke thereupon summoned a council of his supporters, who advised him to call together an assembly representing the whole duchy. This assembly, a typical feudal parliament, met at Lillebonne. While acting together it appears to have opposed the scheme for the conquest of England which William laid before it, but its members were won over singly. He then made a compact with Tostig, the banished brother of Harold; he came to terms with the emperor Henry; he conciliated Philip, king of France, by offering to hold England as his vassal; and—most important of all—he obtained the sanction of Rome. Pope Alexander II. not only issued a bull declaring William to be the rightful heir to the throne, but sent him a ring and a banner as symbols that the blessing of heaven was on his claim. Embarking at St Valéry, William landed on 28th September at Pevensey. The battle of Senlac or Hastings (14th October 1066) was a decisive victory for the duke of Normandy; but it took five years more to complete the conquest of England.
Early in 1067 William made a progress through the eastern and central parts of his new dominions. All that had as yet submitted to him was comprised in the old kingdoms of Wessex and East Anglia, and a small portion of Mercia. He at once secured his hold over these districts by the erection of fortresses in London, Norwich, and elsewhere. He received homage from the great men; he confiscated the lands of those who had resisted him; and, while keeping a large number of manors for himself, he granted others to his followers. Even those who had not resisted were regarded as having legally forfeited their title and had to submit to a re-grant on less advantageous terms. In March 1067 William returned to Normandy, taking with him as hostages the earls Eadwine, Morkere, and Waltheof. The revolts which broke out in the north and south-west compelled him to return to England in December. Early in 1068 he marched on Exeter, as the centre of the western revolt. He took the town and built a castle, after which he subdued Cornwall, and then marching northward forced Bristol to submit. In the summer of 1068 there was a general rising of the north, of which Eadgar was the nominal head; but Eadwine and Morkere were the moving spirits. The insurgents were aided by Malcolm, king of Scotland. William had, however, only to show himself in order to put down the insurrection. He journeyed northward, by way of Warwick and Nottingham, to York, received the submission of Eadwine, Morkere, and Malcolm, and returned by way of Lincoln and Cambridge. His march was accompanied by heavy confiscations, and great castles, rising in places of vantage, rendered the Norman power at once visible and secure. In the spring of 1069 a fresh revolt, broke out. Robert of Comines, the newly appointed earl of Northumberland, was slain at Durham; a Danish fleet entered the Humber, and a Danish army, joined by Eadgar and Waltheof, seized and burned York. The sons of Harold attacked Devon, while other isolated outbreaks took place in the west. These were speedily put down by William’s lieutenants; and in the autumn the king himself, going northward a second time, recovered York and harried Northumberland with ruthless deliberation. Returning to keep Christmas at York, he set out again in January 1070 to oppose Malcolm, who had crossed the border in aid of the insurgents. He forced Waltheof to submit, and drove the Scottish king back into his own country; then, marching over pathless fells in the depth of -winter, he reached Chester, took the town, and founded another castle. Northumbria, exhausted and ruined, gave up the struggle, and the omission of the northern counties from the Domesday survey throws a grim light on the completeness of the Conquest. In one district only, the fens of Cambridgeshire, where Hereward still held out, the spirit of resistance survived. In April 1071 William arrived at Cambridge and commenced a regular blockade. Advancing cautiously by means of a causeway through the fens, he entered Ely in October, and therewith the last flicker of independence died out. The conquest of England was completed. To guard against any fresh incitements to rebellion from Scotland, William in 1072 invaded that country and forced Malcolm to do him homage,—an event which had an important effect on the subsequent relations of the two countries.
Henceforward such trouble as William met with came, not from the English, but from his Norman vassals or his own family. In 1073 the citizens of Le Mans took advantage of his absence to set up a “commune,” and invited Fulk of Anjou to protect them. William was soon in the field, this time assisted by English troops. He harried the country, recovered Le Mans, and made an advantageous peace with the count. By a skilful compromise he recognized Fulk as overlord of Maine, but kept actual possession of the district, for which his son Robert did homage. A year later a formidable revolt broke out in England. Two of William’s great vassals, Ralph, earl of Norfolk, and Roger, earl of Hereford, rebelled, and a Danish fleet, probably in alliance with them, appeared in the Humber. William returned at once to England and put down the insurrection. A great meeting of the witan was summoned to try Roger and Waltheof, for the latter, though he took no part in the rebellion, had undoubtedly been privy to it. Roger was imprisoned for life and Waltheof was condemned to death. This was the last instance of opposition to William in England; but the remaining ten years of his life were occupied with almost continuous troubles on the Continent. In 1076 he was engaged in a war with Brittany, which the interference of Philip of France forced him to bring to an unsuccessful conclusion. Next year he quarrelled with his son Robert. Matilda took the young man’s side against her husband, and Philip lent him his assistance. In 1080 William was at open war with his son. While besieging him at Gerberoi he received a wound and was forced to raise the siege. A temporary reconciliation followed, soon to give way to another and a final quarrel. Three years later Matilda died, and troubles thickened upon William. A rebellious vassal, Hubert of Beaumont, seems to have held him at bay for nearly three years. Rival claims to Vexin, a district on the eastern frontier of Normandy, involved him in another war with France. He was growing old and weary, and, as he lay sick at Rouen in the summer of 1087, the French army harried his territories with impunity. When he had recovered sufficiently to take the field, he invaded Vexin and burned the town of Mantes. But his horse, plunging in the burning cinders, inflicted on him an internal injury which proved his death-wound. He was carried to St Gervais, where, on 9th September 1087, he died. His body was conveyed to Caen and buried in the great minster which he had built.
The career of William as a warrior and conqueror occupies of necessity the largest space in his life; but his fame as a statesman and administrator is not less than that which he won on the battlefield. This is not the place to discuss the results of the Conquest, but the policy of the Conqueror in regard to church and state cannot be overlooked. An orthodox churchman, a supporter of union under the successor of Peter against the schismatic tendencies of the English Church, he nevertheless repelled any claim on the part of Rome to interference with his political sovereignty. He allowed Peter’s pence to be collected, but refused to pay tribute to the pope. While recognizing him as head of the church, he declined to hold his kingdom as his vassal, nor would he permit papal bulls to enter England or excommunications to be issued against any of his subjects without his leave. He controlled all appointments to important ecclesiastical dignities; he made laws for the church; he dealt justice to ecclesiastics, high and low, in his own courts. At the same time he had no desire to humiliate the church; on the contrary, he sought to elevate it to a higher position in the state, to make it a more potent agent of civilization. A weaker statesman might have seen his own advantage in encouraging the rivalry between Canterbury and York; William strengthened the church by forcing the younger to give way to the elder see. With the same object, that of increasing the efficiency of ecclesiastical organization, he severed the temporal and spiritual jurisdictions and furthered the enforcement of clerical celibacy. Finally, the trust which he reposed in Lanfranc from the time of his appointment to the see of Canterbury in 1070 shows not only his insight into character but his respect for the head of the English Church.
In regard to temporal affairs William was rather an administrator than a lawgiver. His reign is not marked by a series of legislative acts like those of Henry II. or Edward I.; but his work was the indispensable preliminary to theirs, for a strong monarchy was the first requisite of the state. To establish the power of the crown was William’s principal care. The disintegrating tendencies of feudalism had already been visible under the Anglo-Saxon kings. William, while he established fully developed feudalism as a social, territorial, and military system in his new dominions, took measures to prevent it from undermining his own authority. He scattered the estates of his great vassals, so as to hinder them from building up provincial principalities; he maintained the higher popular courts against the encroachments of manorial jurisdictions; he prevented the claims of feudal lordship from standing between himself and the mass of his subjects by exacting an oath from every landholder at the meeting on Salisbury plain; finally, by the great survey which resulted in Domesday Book he not only asserted his right to make a general inquisition into property, but laid the firm basis of knowledge which was indispensable to centralized government and taxation. The care which he took to maintain English laws and institutions is part of the same policy. . He balanced the two nationalities over which he ruled, and obliged each to depend upon him as its leader or protector against the other. He ruled as an English king; his feudal council was the witenagemot with a new qualification; but at the same time he was lord of the land as no king had been before him, and he enjoyed not only all the income of his predecessors but in addition all the dues which came to him as feudal sovereign. He was thus perhaps the strongest and most absolute monarch that has ever sat upon the English throne.
In character William was stern, self-reliant, and imperious in a high degree. He was not naturally cruel; but he was ruthless if it served his purpose, and could take pitiless vengeance for an insult or a wrong. He was too strong to prefer deceit when force would serve as well, but his diplomacy was subtle and guileful, and no scruple turned him aside from his aim. His temper, originally forgiving, was soured by opposition towards the end of his life, and his tyrannical tendencies were strengthened by the long exercise of uncontrolled power. His passionate devotion to the chase is only too clearly shown in the harshness of his forest laws. In private life he displayed domestic virtues, and his fidelity to his wife was exceptional in the annals of his house and time.
Authorities, —william of Jumiéges, Hist. Norman., and William of Poitiers, Gesta Willelmi (both in Duchesne’s Hist. Norm. Script.) ; Wace, Roman de Rou; Ordericus Vitalis, Hist. E<xl.∙, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ; the Bayeux tapestry; Freeman, Hist, of Norman Conquest.
WILLIAM I. (1797-1888), king of Prussia and German emperor, was the second son of Frederick William III. of Prussia and Louisa, a princess of Mecklenburg-Strelitz. He was born at Berlin on 22d March 1797, and received the names of Wilhelm Friedrich Ludwig. He was a delicate child and had to be carefully nurtured. His constitution, however, was sound, and he became one of the most vigorous men in Germany. After the battle of Jena he spent three years at Königsberg and Memel. Meanwhile he had given evidence of sterling honesty, a strict love of order, and an almost passionate interest in everything relating to war. On 1st January 1807 he received an officer’s patent, and on 30th October 1813 was appointed a captain. William accompanied his father in the campaign of 1814, and early in the following year received the iron cross for personal bravery shown at Bar-sur-Aube. He took part in the entry into Paris on 31st March 1814, and afterwards visited London. He joined the Prussian army in the final campaign of the Napoleonic wars, and again entered Paris. The prince was made a colonel and a member of the permanent military commission immediately after his twentieth birthday, and at the age of twenty-one became a major-general. In 1820 he received the command of a division; and during the following nine years he not only made himself master of the military system of his own country but studied closely those of the other European states. In 1825 he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-general, and obtained the command of the corps of guards. On 11th June 1829 he married Augusta of Saxe-Weimar.
On the death of his father in 1840—the new king, Frederick William IV., being childless—Prince William, as heir presumptive to the throne, received the title of prince of Prussia. He was also made lieutenant-governor of Pomerania and appointed a general of infantry. In politics he was decidedly Conservative; but at the outbreak of the revolutionary movement of 1848 he saw that some concessions to the popular demand for liberal forms of government were necessary. He urged, however, that order should be restored before the establishment of a constitutional system. At this time he was the best-hated man in Germany, the mass of the Prussian people believing him to be a vehement supporter of an absolutist and reactionary policy. He was even held responsible for the blood shed in Berlin on 18th March, although he had been relieved nine days before of his command of the guards. So bitter was the feeling against him that the king entreated him to leave the country for some time, and accordingly he went to London, where he formed intimate personal relations with Prince Albert, Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, Lord Palmerston, and other English statesmen. On 8th June he was back at Berlin, and on the same day he took his seat as member for Wirsitz in the Prussian national assembly, and delivered a speech in which he expressed belief in constitutional principles. In 1849, when the revolutionary party in the grand-duchy of Baden became dangerous, he accepted the command of “the army of operation in Baden and the Palatinate,” and his plans were so judiciously formed and so skilfully executed that in the course of a few days the rebellion was crushed. At the beginning of the campaign an unsuccessful attempt was made on his life. In October 1849 he was appointed military governor of the Rhineland and Westphalia, and took up his residence at Coblentz. In 1854 the prince was raised to the rank of a field-marshal and made governor of the confederate fortress of Mainz. When the king was attacked with a disease of the brain, Prince William assumed the regency (7th October 1858).
On 2d January 1861 Frederick William IV. died, and his brother succeeded him as William I. For the internal conflict between the king and the house of representatives on the question of military reorganization, which filled up the first years of his reign, see Germany (vol. x. p. 510) and Prussia (vol. xx. p. 12). The events and results of the war with Denmark, and of that with Austria which arose out of the Schleswig-Holstein question, belong to the history of Austria and of Prussia, and have been already described under those articles. The brilliant achievements of the army in this last contest finally convinced the king’s subjects that his aims had been wise. On his return to Berlin he was received with unbounded enthusiasm, and from this time he was looked up to as a father rather than as a sovereign. On the outbreak of the war with France in 1870 all Germans rallied round the king of Prussia, and, when on 31st July he quitted Berlin to join his army, he knew that he had the support of a united nation. He crossed the French frontier on the 11th of August, and personally commanded at the battles of Gravelotte and Sedan. It was during the siege of Paris, at his headquarters in Versailles, that he was proclaimed German emperor on 18th January 1871. On 3d March 1871 he signed the preliminaries of peace which had been accepted by the French assembly; and on 21st March he opened the first imperial parliament of Germany. On 16th June he triumphantly entered Berlin at the head of his troops.
After that period the emperor left the destinies of Germany almost entirely in the hands of Bismarck, who held the office of imperial chancellor (see Prussia). In his personal history the most notable events were two attempts upon his life in 1878,—one by a working lad called Hödel, another by an educated man, Karl Nobiling. On the first occasion the emperor escaped without injury, but on the second he was seriously wounded. These attacks grew out of the socialist agitation; and a new reichstag, elected for the purpose, passed a severe anti-socialist law, which was afterwards from time to time renewed. The socialists, however, far from being crushed, again and again gave proof of their power by returning a considerable number of deputies to parliament. In the hope of alienating from them the mass of the working class, Bismarck introduced, with the cordial approval of the emperor, a series of measures for the benefit of the poorer members of the community. Until within a few days of his death the emperor’s health was remarkably robust; he died at Berlin on 9th March 1888.
The reign of William I. marked an era of vast importance in the history of Germany. In his time Prussia became the first power in Germany and Germany the first power in Europe. These momentous changes were due in a less degree to him than to Bismarck and Moltke; but to him belongs the credit of having recognized the genius of these men, and of having trusted them absolutely. Personally William was a man of a singularly noble and attractive character. His supreme wish was to discharge loyally the duties which had been imposed upon him, and he never shrank from any personal sacrifice that seemed to be demanded in the interests of his people. The best traditions of the Hohenzollerns were maintained, not only by the splendour of the achievements with which his name will always be intimately associated, but by the simplicity, manliness, and uprightness of his daily life.
WILLIAM I., king of the Netherlands from 1815 to 1840, was born at The Hague on 24th August 1772, and died at Berlin on 7th November 1843. His son, William II. (1792-1849), reigned from 1840, and was in turn succeeded by his son, William III. (born 1817). See Holland, vol. xii. p. 83.
[2,853 words — estimated reading time: 17 minutes]
WILLIAM II. (1056-1100), king of England, surnamed Rufüs, third son of William I. and Matilda, was born in 1056. Little is known of his youth, except that in the quarrel between the Conqueror and Robert he remained loyal to his father. When the Conqueror was on his death bed he sent William to England with a letter to Lanfranc, requesting the archbishop to secure his election to the throne. Accordingly on 26th September 1087 William was elected and crowned at Westminster. His brother Robert, to whom the Conqueror had bequeathed the duchy, was not likely to give up his claim to the larger part of his father’s dominions without a struggle. A general revolt in his favour broke out in the summer of 1088. Roger Bigod rose in Norfolk, Roger, earl of Shrewsbury, and Robert of Mowbray on the western border, while Odo of Bayeux, the king’s uncle, whom he had reinstated against his father’s advice in the earldom of Kent, occupied Rochester. But there was little combination among the rebels. After being foiled in attacks on Ilchester and Worcester, the rebellion in the west seems to have died away. William won over the earl of Shrewsbury, and summoned his English subjects to his aid. He promised good government, the repeal of the forest laws, and the reduction of taxes. Thus conciliated, the fyrd, or national levy, flocked to his standard. It was the beginning of that alliance between the monarchy and the people which, fostered by Henry I. and Henry II. and confirmed by the great Edward, secured victory for the crown in its struggle with the feudal aristocracy. With the aid of his English troops William took castle after castle, repelled an attempted landing of the Norman fleet, and forced Odo to surrender his stronghold of Rochester. The rebellion being thus suppressed, he ...held a great council, at which, although the rebels in general were leniently treated, many confiscations and sentences of banishment were pronounced. A later meeting at Salisbury (November 1088) was notable for the trial of William of Saint-Calais, bishop of Durham, who had been one of the chief promoters of the rebellion. The bishop denied the jurisdiction of the king’s court and appealed to Rome. It was the first instance of such an appeal. The court, however, acting under the advice of Lanfranc, refused to allow the plea, and the bishop, condemned to lose the temporalities of his see, retired to Normandy.
Two years later William sent an army to Normandy (Easter 1090), which under the misgovernment of Robert had lapsed into a state of anarchy. The re-conquest of the duchy by England was begun by the capture of St Valéry; but there was not much fighting, place after place yielding to William’s lieutenants or to English gold. Robert called King Philip to his aid, but William bribed him to retire. In Rouen itself a popular movement took place for the surrender of the town; but Henry, the duke’s youngest brother, put a stop to it by killing its leader, Conan, with his own hands. In February 1091 William himself crossed the Channel, and at once received homage from many of his brother’s subjects. Unable to resist, Robert consented to a disgraceful peace. By the treaty of Caen William engaged to pay Robert a sum of money, in return for which he received some of the most important districts of eastern Normandy, as well as Cherbourg and other places in the west. It was agreed, among other stipulations, that whichever brother died first the other should succeed to his dominions. Later in the same year William marched against Malcolm III., who had invaded Northumberland, and, penetrating as far as the Firth of Forth, obliged the Scottish king to do him homage. "Whether it was for the whole of Scotland or for Lothian only, history does not say; but the latter is most probable. For an account of the subsequent relations between Malcolm and William, see Scotland, vol. xxi. p. 481. Meanwhile war had broken out again with Normandy. At Christmas 1093 Robert sent a challenge to his brother, reproaching him with violations of the treaty. Accordingly in March 1094 William invaded Normandy a second time. On this occasion fortune turned against him. Philip assisted the duke, and William, who had exhausted his supplies, was unable to buy him off as before. In this predicament his justiciar, Ralph Flambard, assembled an English army on the pretext of an expedition to Normandy, took from each man the money which had been provided for his expenses, and then dismissed the soldiers to their homes. With the money so obtained William bribed the French king, and then returned to England. Next year the first crusade was being preached, and Robert took the cross. A peace was made between the brothers through papal mediation, William supplying Robert with funds, for the repayment of which the latter pledged his duchy. When, in September 1096, Robert set off for the crusade, William took possession of Normandy, where he soon put an end to the anarchy which had resulted from Robert’s misrule; and he held the country till his death. Shortly before the acquisition of Normandy William had subdued a second rebellion in England. Robert of Mowbray was again one of the chief conspirators, and he was joined by William of Saint-Calais, whom the king, in accordance with the treaty of Caen, had restored to his bishopric, and by others. Mowbray refused to obey a summons to the king’s court, whereupon William marched against him, captured his castles of Bamborough and Tynemouth, and took him prisoner (1095). As on the suppression of the earlier rebellion, William called a great assembly, this time consisting of all his tenants-in-chief, and by their judgment the rebels were condemned. During the next two years he made a serious attempt at the conquest of Wales. The southern portion of the principality had been to a great extent reduced, first by Harold, afterwards by the Norman border lords. William’s efforts were mainly directed against the northern districts. He made three invasions, and penetrated to Snowdon, but seeming victories were immediately followed by revolts, and in the end little ground was actually won.
The last three years of the 11th century were much occupied by tedious wars with France and efforts to recover Maine. In 1097 he quarrelled with Philip about Vexin, and crossed the Channel to make good his claim to that district; but the French king was able to hold his own. Next year William set about the recovery of Maine. That territory had been allowed by Robert to slip out of his hands, and had been governed since 1091 by Helias de la Flèche. William’s vassal, Robert of Bellême, attacked Helias, and, having succeeded in taking him prisoner, handed over his prize to the king. William thereupon marched into Maine, and a desultory war of forays, sieges, and skirmishes followed. Fulk of Anjou opposed the Norman claim; but in August 1098 a treaty was made, by which William’s rights over the country were recognized, and Helias was at the same time set free. William now turned again to France. Strengthened by an alliance with the duke of Aquitaine, he invaded the French territory and advanced as far as Pontoise. But, tiring of the fruitless war, he made a truce with Philip and returned to England early in 1099. He had only been there a few months when he heard that Helias de la Flèche was attacking his castles in Maine and had won back Le Mans. He crossed the Channel with great speed, and’ a last campaign replaced him in possession of the coveted borderland. But he took no pains to secure his hold, and the Norman power in Maine fell to pieces immediately on his death.
William H.’s relations with Anselm form perhaps the most important episode of his reign. Lanfranc died in 1089. The worst features of William’s character began at once to show themselves. At the instigation or with the assistance of Ralph Flambard, he applied to the possessions of the church all the principles of feudal law developed in the interest of the monarchy. He treated vacant benefices as if they had been lay fiefs and bishops as tenants-in-chief, while he made simony the rule and degraded the heads of the church into servile courtiers. He had kept the see of Canterbury vacant for nearly four years, when a severe illness aroused him to a sense of his enormities. Sending for Anselm, at that time abbot of Bee, he forced the crozier into his unwilling hands (1093). Anselm insisted on three conditions,—that the temporalities of the see should be fully restored, that William should act in ecclesiastical affairs by his counsel, and that he should be allowed to recognize Urban II. as pope. After some hesitation William yielded the first demand, and Anselm did homage for the temporalities. The other two demands remained unsettled. In December 1093 Anselm was consecrated archbishop of Canterbury. On the outbreak of war against Normandy in 1094 Anselm offered William a contribution of £500. William declared the sum insufficient and angrily rejected the gift. Anselm refused to offer more, lest he should seem, even by a gift after his appointment, to be guilty of simony. Other grounds of quarrel were found in the reproofs which the archbishop levelled against the vices of the court, and his demand for ecclesiastical reform. In 1095 a more serious dispute arose. Anselm asked leave to go to Rome in order to obtain his pallium from the pope. As this involved a recognition of Urban, and William wished to secure his independence by acknowledging no pope, the permission was refused. The archbishop demanded that the question should be discussed at a great council. Accordingly an assembly was held at Rockingham (March 1095), in which Anselm was treated by the king as if he had been on trial for contumacy. The bishops sided with the king; the laity took part mostly with the primate. Anselm refused to renounce allegiance to the pope, but denied that this was incompatible with obedience to the king. The assembly broke up without coming to a decision. William now tried to win over the pope and received a legate who brought with him the pall. In the hope of getting the legate to suspend Anselm, he consented to recognize Urban. But, when he found that the pope had no intention of throwing over the archbishop, he reconciled himself with Anselm and allowed him to take the pall from the altar at Canterbury. But it was not long before he found an opportunity of taking his revenge. A contingent of knights sent by the primate to aid the king in his Welsh war (1097) was declared to be worthless, and Anselm was summoned to explain his conduct at court. Tired of the persecution and despairing of reform, Anselm again asked leave to go to Rome. William, believing, whether rightly or not, that Anselm intended to appeal against him, refused his request. Twice repeated, it met with the same answer. Anselm was charged with having broken his oath to observe the laws of the kingdom in threatening to leave England without the king’s permission. He answered that he had only sworn to the laws subject to his duty to God and the verdict of his conscience. This answer alienated many who had supported him on the previous occasion. He was asked to swear that he would not appeal against the king, and on his refusal was ordered to leave the country. In October 1097 Anselm left England. William at once seized the archbishopric and kept possession of it till his death.
The unscrupulous tyranny which Rufus displayed in his quarrel with Anselm was equally characteristic of his temporal government. The feudal customs of aids, reliefs, escheats, &c., were developed into a great system of extortion. The townsfolk and the cultivators of the soil were weighed down by heavy taxes. The forest laws were carried out with ruthless severity. On the other hand, order was maintained, and the tyranny was to a certain extent veiled or limited by the frequent use which William made of his great councils, in the trials of great men like Odo, in the declaration of war, in the settlement of disputes such as that with Anselm. It is clear that the national assembly was neither extinct nor inefficient during this reign. It was in this period too that the office of justiciar became permanent in the person of William’s chief minister, Ralph Flambard, although in his hands its powers were used merely in support of despotism.
In his private character William was as vicious as in his public capacity he was tyrannical. He was harsh and violent, extravagant and lustful, regardless of God and pitiless to man. He had a strong vein of mockery and sarcasm, and no little of the grim Norman humour. Almost the only redeeming feature of his character is his chivalrous observation of his plighted word; but for ordinary promises or obligations he had no respect. He died under mysterious circumstances in the New Forest, Hampshire, on 2d August 1100. William II. was not married; he was succeeded by his brother Henry.
Authorities.— Ordericus Vitalis, Historia Ecclesiastica; Geoffrey Gaiιnar, Histoire des Angles; Eadmer, Historia Novorwm; the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle; Freeman, Reign of William Rufus.
[2,262 words — estimated reading time: 13 minutes]
WILLIAM III. (1650-1702), king of England and prince of Orange, was the son of William IL, stadtholder of the United Netherlands, and Mary, daughter of Charles I. of England. He was born on 14th November 1650. His father died eight days before his birth, whereupon the states-general abolished the office of stadtholder. As he grew up, William became the head of the party, at once democratic and monarchical, which was attached to the house of Orange. But all power was concentrated in the hands of John de Witt and other leaders of the rival or aristocratic republican party. Hence William learned caution, reserve, insight into character, and the art of biding his time....
When, however, France and England declared war upon the Netherlands in the spring of 1672, the rapid success of the French arms, and the rejection by Louis of the terms offered by the Dutch Government, produced a revolution in favour of William. A popular rising obliged De Witt to repeal the perpetual edict (which ratified the suppression of the stadtholdership in 1667), and on 8th July 1672 the prince of Orange was declared by the states-general stadtholder, captain-general, and admiral for life. The revolution was followed by a riot in which John and Cornelius de Witt lost their lives. There appears no evidence connecting William with the attack on the De Witts; but he made no attempt to punish it: on the contrary, he rewarded the leaders. Then, rejecting the outrageous terms offered by the allies, he placed his private fortune and the revenues of his offices at the disposal of the state, and declared himself ready to die in the last ditch. In order to check the French advance the sluices were opened and vast tracts of country placed under water. The Dutch fleet prevented an English landing. An alliance was made with the elector of Brandenburg, whose forces effected a useful diversion on the eastern frontier. Next year (1673) William lost Maestricht, but he more than balanced this disaster by treaties with Spain and the empire. Tlιe war now began to turn in his favour. Early in 1674 the French troops evacuated Holland, and in February of the same year peace was made with England in the treaty of Westminster. As the tide turned, William’s allies became more active in his behalf. The league of The Hague, the first of those great coalitions by which he sought to set a limit to the aggressions of Louis XIV., was joined by the elector of Brandenburg, who had been obliged a year before to come to terms with France, and by several other German princes. In Flanders William himself opposed Condé and fought the indecisive battle of Seneffe (August 1674). For the next two years the war dragged on without very important results. William, although he had saved Holland, could not prevent France from winning places at the expense of the empire and Spain. In April 1677 he was decisively beaten by the duke of Orleans near St Omer. A great part of the Spanish Netherlands as well as Franche Comté was now in the hands of France. These advances caused much alarm in England; and the prince of Orange linked himself closer to that country by marrying Mary, elder daughter of James, duke of York, in November 1677. Early next year William signed a treaty of alliance with England, the object of which was to compel Louis to come to terms. The duplicity of Charles and the attitude of the country party in England, anxious for war with France but unwilling to put an army into the king’s hands, prevented this arrangement from taking effect. A fresh treaty was, however, made between the two powers (July), and the pressure thus brought to bear upon Louis led to the peace of Nimeguen (August 1678). Four days after the peace was signed William attacked the French army under the duke of Luxembourg in its entrenchments round Mons. A sanguinary but resultless battle ensued. William attempted to justify this bloodshed by the insufficient and incredible plea that he was not aware that the peace had been signed. He can hardly have wished to prolong the war; but it is not surprising if he was dissatisfied with a peace which gave Franche Comté and many places in the Spanish Netherlands to France.
During the years which immediately followed the peace of Nimeguen, Louis’s aggressive proceedings provoked a general uneasiness, of which the prince of Orange made skilful use. The French king had seized on William’s ancestral principality of Orange in the south of France. William declared publicly that he would make Louis repent the outrage, and when called on to withdraw his words refused to do so. Personal affront was thus added to the national grounds of his hostility. The second of his coalitions against France began by a treaty between the Netherlands and Sweden (October 1681) for the maintenance of the peace of Nimeguen, which was soon joined by the empire and Spain, and by several of the German states. When, however, Louis declared war on Spain, invaded the Spanish Netherlands, and even took Luxemburg (1683-84), William could not persuade the states-general to raise an army, and the allied powers acquiesced in the truce of Ratisbon, which left the French king in possession of all that he had won (1685). Certain claims on the Palatinate which Louis urged on behalf of his sister-in-law, the duchess of Orleans, gave William an occasion for organizing a further combination against him. In July 1686 the emperor, with the kings of Spain and Sweden, acting as members of the empire, and the most important German princes entered into the league of Augsburg, which, however, William did not himself join.
Meanwhile, as heir presumptive to the English throne, he paid close attention to what was passing in England. He sought to win Charles by sheltering the duke of Monmouth during the exile to which his father had unwillingly condemned him. The same motives led him to dismiss the duke when James II. succeeded his brother, and to discourage the attempt which Monmouth made to win the crown. He also endeavoured to stop Argyll and his friends when they were setting out for England; and he tried to dissuade Monmouth from his rash expedition, and to induce him to take service against the Turks in Hungary, and, when this failed, he sought, with as little success, to prevent his crossing to England. Throughout the whole crisis he showed a scrupulous regard for the interests of his father-in-law, which fortunately coincided with his own; but at the same time he astutely avoided any step which would have alienated from him the constitutional party. When, however, James II. began to show himself in his true colours, William became the head of the opposition in England. As such, he strongly disapproved of the first Declaration of Indulgence (1686) and remonstrated with James on the unconstitutional nature of his act. When the king requested him, a year later, to place Papists instead of Protestants in command of the English regiments then in the service of Holland, he declined to do so, and rejected with equal firmness a demand from James that he should send the troops back to England. Nevertheless he refused to listen to Mordaunt’s premature suggestion that he should undertake an invasion in 1686, and, even when Edward Russell visited him at The Hague (May 1688), he was unwilling to move till he was assured that the majority of the nation would be with him. The letter, signed by seven leaders of the two great English parties, which Admiral Herbert carried to Holland (June 30) set his scruples at rest.
On 30th September he issued a declaration in which he recapitulated James’s unconstitutional acts, and stated that he was coming to England in order to secure the assembling of a free parliament, by whose decision he was resolved to abide. On 2d November he sailed from Holland, and three days later landed at Torbay. At first only few persons joined him, but presently the gentry began to come in. James, who had massed his troops at Salisbury, was compelled by William’s advance and by the desertion of Churchill and others to fall back upon London. Here he attempted to treat with the invader. William, anxious to avoid all appearance of conquest, consented to negotiate, and it was agreed that a parliament should be summoned, both armies meanwhile holding aloof. James, however, attempted to leave the country, but was stopped and returned to Whitehall. For a moment he seemed to contemplate resistance, but William now insisted on his retiring from London. His final flight relieved the prince of a great difficulty. On 19th December William arrived in London, and at once called a meeting of peers and others who had sat in the parliaments of Charles H.’s reign. By their advice he summoned a convention, which met on 22d January 1689 and settled the crown on William and Mary, who, after accepting the Declaration of Rights, were on 13th February proclaimed king and queen.
The revolution had so far succeeded beyond expectation; but William’s difficulties had only begun. His primary object was to bring England into the field against France. But he had first to secure his own throne, which was still endangered by resistance in Scotland and Ireland; in order to do it with effect he had to gain the good will of the English parliament and to harmonize or control its two great factions, which, momentarily united by the imminence of despotism, were again almost on the verge of civil war. He wished to be superior to party, which he could only become by being independent of parliament, and this the revolution had rendered impossible. The revolution was due mainly to the Whigs, who were therefore William’s natural allies; but the political principles of the Whigs led them to curtail the power of the sovereign. The principles of the Tories were much more to his taste; but the Tories were disinclined to apply their principles on behalf of a sovereign whose title they could not conscientiously acknowledge. In selecting his first ministry William endeavoured to conciliate both sides and to hold the balance even. He eventually saw that such a policy was impracticable, and that, the nation having arrived at its majority, ministers must represent the party which was strongest in parliament. His natural reluctance to recognize this change, or to give up any of the powers which his predecessors had possessed, led to not unfrequent collisions with parliament and exposed him to some humiliation, while the struggle between the two parties at times reduced him to despair, and constantly hampered his action on the Continent.
For nearly a year and a half after William’s acceptance of the crown he was occupied in forming the coalition against Louis XIV. known as the Grand Alliance. As stadtholder of the United Netherlands, William had already entered into an alliance with the emperor. In December he joined the league as king of England, and in 1690 the coalition was completed by the adhesion of Spain, Brandenburg, and Savoy. William had thus gained his first great object: he had united Europe against the Bourbon. Meanwhile, however, his arms had made little progress in Scotland and Ireland. James had landed in Ireland in March 1689 and nearly the whole island was in his hands. The relief of Londonderry (July) and the battle of Newtown Butler (August) saved the north for William, but elsewhere Schomberg could make no way. In Scotland the convention had offered the crowm to William and Mary; but in the battle of Killiecrankie (July) the clans under Dundee had routed William’s army. The convention, which shortly after his accession had been turned into a parliament, met for its second session in the autumn of 1689, and the two parties quarrelled so violently over the Corporation and Indemnity Bills that William threatened to leave the country. He was induced by Nottingham and Shrewsbury to give up this intention, but in January 1690 he dissolved the parliament. William put an end to the quarrel about the indemnity by issuing an Act of Grace, which gave an almost complete amnesty; and, after placing the government in the hands of the queen and a council of nine persons, he left for Ireland. The defeat of the English and Dutch fleets off Beachy Head and the repulse of the allied forces at Fleurus (June and July 1690) were severe blows to William’s hopes; but the former led to no important results and the latter was more than balanced by the victory which William won at the battle of the Boyne (1st July 1690). James fled from the country, and William entered Dublin in triumph. In September he returned to England, leaving Marlborough to conquer the south of Ireland in a short but brilliant campaign. Meanwhile the resistance in Scotland had collapsed, and Mackay reduced the Highlands to tranquillity. In 1691 William was able to go abroad and to take the command in Flanders, where, however, his efforts were unsuccessful.
The next year (1692) opened with the massacre of Glencoe. It is improbable that, in signing an order for the “extirpation” of the Macdonalds, he intended that the order should be literally executed. Nevertheless, the order came from him, and he cannot be acquitted of all blame. About the same time the insecurity of his position was shown by the discovery of Marlborough’s treachery; and Marlborough did not stand alone. While many whom William trusted or appeared to trust were intriguing with James, an invasion of England was being organized by the French Government. Fortunately, and in great measure owing to the politic conduct of Mary, the commanders of the fleet were induced to stand firm, and the great victory of La Hogue (19th May 1692) put a stop to the projected invasion. But the fortune of war went against William on the Continent. He could not save Nàmur from the French, and he was severely defeated in an attempt to surprise the duke of Luxembourg at Steenkerke (4th August 1692). Next year he was again beaten by the same commander at Neerwinden (19th July). The battle of La Hogue had not given England the command of the seas, and French privateers inflicted great damage on English trade. In June 1693 the Smyrna fleet was almost entirely destroyed off Cape St Vincent.
In spite of these reverses William struggled on with indomitable courage, and he was well supported by the country. Parliament, under the skilful guidance of Montague, adopted various important financial measures to meet the expenses of the war. The land-tax was re-assessed, the national debt created, the Bank of England established, and the coinage renewed (1693-95). In 1694 William confirmed the parliamentary system by giving his consent, though an unwilling consent, to the Triennial Act, and he recognized the principles of ministerial government by modifying the ministry, until in 1696 it was in thorough harmony with the parliamentary majority. In 1695 William won his first important success on the Continent by recovering Namur, and, though no advance was made by the allies next year, the exhaustion of France was becoming more and more evident. At length, in March 1697, a congress met at Ryswick, and in September peace was made. Louis was obliged to give up all (with the exception of Strasburg) that he had added to his dominions since 1678, and he recognized William as king of England. With the conclusion of the war the dread of a standing army revived in England, and, much to William’s disgust, a vote of parliament reduced the military force to 10,000 men, although the question of the Spanish succession (see vol. ix. p. 580) was pending. The new parliament which met early in 1699 reduced the army still further and resolved that it should consist solely of English troops, thus compelling William to dismiss his favourite Dutch guards. They went on to institute an inquiry into the manner in which the forfeited estates in Ireland had been disposed of, and in their second session (November 1699) they passed a bill for the “resumption” of these estates. William died on 8th March 1702 from the consequences of a fall from his horse on 20th February.
Authorities.— Burnet, History of his own Times ; Voltaire, Siècle de Louis XIV. ∖ Negotiations of the Count d ’ Avaux (London, 1754); Négociations relatives à la Succession d’Espagne, &c., collected by Mignet (Paris, 1835); Lettres et Mémoires de Marie, Reine d:Angleterre, &c. (The Hague, 1880); Harris, History of the Life and Reign of William III. (Dublin, 1749); Mackintosh, History of the Revolution vn England ; Macaulay, History of England ; Ranke, English History.
[2,824 words — estimated reading time: 17 minutes]
WILLIAM IV. (1765-1837), king of England, was the third son of George III. He was born at Windsor, 21st August 1765. When he was fourteen years old he was sent to sea as a midshipman under Admiral Digby. Next year he sailed under Rodney and took part in the action off Cape St Vincent (16th January 1780). During the rest of the war the young prince saw plenty of service, for which he imbibed a strong liking, and so laid the foundation of his popularity. On the conclusion of the war he travelled in Germany, visiting Hanover and Berlin, where he was entertained by Frederick the Great. In 1785 he passed for lieutenant; next year he was made captain and stationed in the West Indies. Shortly after 1787, being tired of his station, he sailed home without orders, and was punished for his insubordination by being obliged to stay at Plymouth till his ship was refitted, when he again sailed for the West Indies....
In 1789 he was made duke of Clarence. When war was declared against the French republic in 1793, he strongly supported it and was anxious for active employment; but, though he was made rear-admiral of the red, he could obtain no command. Thus condemned to inactivity, he amused or revenged himself by joining the prince of Wales and the duke of York in their opposition to the king. He threw himself into the dissipations of society, and his hearty geniality and bluff, sailor-like manners gained him popularity, though they did not secure him respect. He took his seat in the House of Lords, where he defended the extravagancies of the prince of Wales, spoke on the Divorce Bill, vehemently opposed the emancipation of slaves, and defended slavery on the ground of his experience in the West Indies. Meanwhile he formed a connexion with Mrs Jordan, the actress, with whom he lived on terms of mutual affection and fidelity for nearly twenty years, and the union was only broken off eventually for political reasons. During all this period the prince had lived in comparative obscurity. The death of Princess Charlotte in 1817 brought him forward as in the line of succession to the crown. In 1818 he married Adelaide of Saxe-Meiningen, a lady half his age, without special attractions, but of a strong, self-willed nature, which enabled her subsequently to obtain great influence over her husband. On the death of the duke of York in 1827 the duke of Clarence became heir to the throne, and in the same year he was appointed lord high admiral. 1n discharging the functions of that office he endeavoured to assume independent control of naval affairs, although his patent precluded him from acting without the advice of two members of his council. This involved him in a quarrel with Sir George Cockburn, in which he had to give way. As he still continued to act in defiance of rules, the king was at length obliged to call upon him to resign.
On 28th June 1830 the death of George IV. placed him on the throne. During the first two years of his reign England underwent an agitation more violent than any from which it had suffered since 1688. William IV. was well-meaning and conscientious; but his timidity and irresolution drove ministers to despair, while his anxiety to avoid extremes and his want of insight into affairs prolonged a dangerous crisis and brought the country to the verge of revolution. Immediately after his accession the revolution of July broke out in France and gave a great impulse to the reform movement in England. The king, though he called himself an “old Whig,” did not dismiss the Tory ministry which had governed the country during the last two years of his brother’s reign; but the elections for the new parliament placed them in a minority. Within a fortnight of the opening of parliament they were beaten on a motion for the reform of the civil list, and resigned. Lord Grey undertook to form a ministry, with the avowed intention of bringing in a large measure of reform. This was not in itself displeasing to the king, who had liberal tendencies, and a few years before had supported Catholic emancipation. But, when the struggle in parliament began, his disinclination to take up a decided attitude soon exposed the Government to difficulties. The first Reform Bill was introduced on 1st March 1831; the second reading was carried on 21st March by a majority of one. Shortly afterwards the Government were beaten in committee, and offered to resign. The king declined to accept their resignation, but at the same time was unwilling to dissolve, although it was obvious that in the existing parliament a ministry pledged to reform could not retain office. From this dilemma William was rescued by the conduct of the opposition, which, anxious to bring on a change of ministry, moved an address against dissolution. Regarding this as an attack on his prerogative, William at once dissolved parliament (April 1831). The elections gave the ministry an overwhelming majority. The second Reform Bill was brought in in June, and passed its third reading (21st September) by a majority of 109. A fortnight later (8th October) the Lords threw out the Bill by a majority of 4L For an account of the subsequent stages of the struggle, see Grey, vol. xi. pp. 191-192.
During the rest of his reign William ΓV. had not much opportunity of active political interference, but on one other occasion he made an unjustifiable use of his prerogative. Two years after the passing of the Reform Bill the ministry of Lord Grey had become unpopular. In July 1834 Lord Grey himself retired and Lord Melbourne took the lead. There were divergences of opinion in the cabinet, and the king strongly objected to the ministerial policy respecting the Irish Church. On the shallow pretext that Lord Al thorp’s removal to the Upper House would weaken the ministry in the House of Commons, where, however, they still had a majority, he suddenly dismissed them and summoned Sir Robert Peel (14th November). Peel’s ministry, containing many members who had been in the government on the king’s accession, was called from its short duration “the ministry of the hundred days.” Its formation clearly indicated that the Whig proclivities of the king, which had never been more than partial or lukewarm, had wholly disappeared. The step was regarded with general disapprobation. It was immediately followed by a dissolution, and the ministry soon found themselves in a minority. Beaten on Lord John Russell’s motion respecting the Irish Church (3d April 1835), Peel resigned and Melbourne again came into power. Under him the Whigs retained the lead during the remainder of the reign. This coup d’êtat of November 1834 was the last occasion on which the English sovereign has attempted to impose an unpopular ministry on the majority in parliament.
In May 1837 the king began to show signs of debility, and died from an affection of the heart on the 20th of June, leaving behind him the memory of a genial, frank, warmhearted man, but a blundering, though well-intentioned prince. He w as succeeded by his niece Victoria.
Authorities.—Correspondence of Earl Grey with William IV. and Sir Herbert Taylor, London, 1867; Fitzgerald’s Life and Times of William IV. ; Greville’s Memoirs', Memoirs of Sir Robert Peel; Civil Correspondence of the Duke of Wellington ; Walpole’s History of England·, Martineau’s History of the Peace·, Molesworth’s History of England.
WILLIAM IV. (1532-1592), landgrave of Hesse, well known as an astronomer, son of Philip the Magnanimous, was born at Cassel on 14th June 1532. During his father’s captivity after the battle of Mühlberg (1547) he carried on the government in his name for five years, and succeeded him on his death in 1567. At an early age he became interested in astronomy; and in 1561 he built an observatory at Cassel, where observations were regularly made, first by himself, afterwards by Rothmann and Bürgi. The last-named was not only a very skilful mechanic (it seems probable that he applied the pendulum to clocks long before Huygens did) but an original mathematician, who independently invented logarithms. William died on 25th August 1592.
Most of the mechanical contrivances which made Tycho Brahe’s instruments so superior to those of his contemporaries were adopted at Cassel about 1584, and from that time the observations made there seem to have been about as accurate as Tycho’s; but the resulting longitudes were 6' too great in consequence of the adopted solar parallax of 3'. The principal fruit of the observations was a catalogue of about a thousand stars, the places of which were determined by the methods usually employed in the 16th century, connecting a fundamental star by means of Venus with the sun, and thus finding its longitude and latitude, while other stars could at any time he referred to the fundamental star. It should be noticed that clocks (on which Tycho Brahe depended very little) were used at Cassel for finding the difference of right ascension between Venus and the sun before sunset; Tycho preferred observing the angular distance between the sun and Venus when the latter was visible in the day time. The Hessian star catalogue was published in Lucius Barettus’s Historia Coelestis (Augsburg, 1668), and a number of other observations are to be found in Caeli et Siderum in eo Errantium Observationes Hassiacae, Leyden, 1618, edited by Snellius (q.v.). R. Wolf, in his “Astronomische Mittheilungen,” No. 45 (Vierteljahrsschrift d. naturforschenden Gesellschaft in Zurich, 1878), has given a résumé of the manuscripts still preserved at Cassel, which throw much light on the methods adopted in the observations and reductions.
[1,268 words — estimated reading time: 8 minutes]
WILLIAMS, John (1796-1839), English missionary, was born at Tottenham near London, on 29th June 1796. He was trained as an ironmonger, and acquired while young considerable experience in mechanical work. Having offered himself to the London Missionary Society, he was sent, after some training, in 1816 to the South Sea Islands as a missionary. He was first stationed at Eimeo, in the Society Islands, where he rapidly acquired a knowledge of the native language. After staying there for a short time, he finally settled at Raiatea, which became his permanent headquarters. His success as a missionary here and elsewhere was remarkable. The people rapidly became Christianized and adopted many of the habits of civilization. Williams was fairly liberal for his age, and the results of his labours among the Pacific Islands were essentially beneficial. He travelled unceasingly among the various island groups, planting stations and settling native missionaries whom he himself had trained. From the Society Islands he visited the Hervey group, where he discovered, and stayed for a considerable time on, the island of Rarotonga. Most of the inhabitants of the group were converted in a remarkably short time, and Williams’s influence over them, as over the people of other groups, was very great. Besides establishing Christianity and civilization among them, he also, at their own request, helped them to draw up a code of laws for civil administration upon the basis of the new religion. While at Rarotonga he, with the help of the natives, built himself a ship, within about four months; with this he returned to Raiatea, and made voyages among other island groups, including Samoa and the neighbouring islands. Williams returned to England in 1834 (having previously visited New South Wales in ...1821); and during his four years’ stay at home he had the New Testam 3nt, which he had translated into Rarotongan, printed. Returning in 1838 to the Pacific, he visited the stations already established by him, as well as several fresh groups. He went as far west as the New Hebrides, and, while visiting Erromango, one of the group, for the first time, was murdered by the natives, 20th November 1839.
Williams was probably on the whole one of the most successful of Christian missionaries, both as regards the extent and the permanence of the work he accomplislιed. His Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea Islands was published in 1837, and formed an important contribution to our knowledge of the islands with which Williams was acquainted. See Memoir of John Williams, by Rev. Ebenezer Prout, London, 1843.
WILLIAMS, Roger (c. 1600-c. 1684), one of the founders of the colony of Rhode Island, North America, was born either of Welsh or Cornish parents, but this as well as the date of his birth has been the subject of dispute. In early life he went to London, where his skill as a reporter commended him to the notice of Sir Edward Coke, who sent him to Sutton’s Hospital (Charterhouse school). From Charterhouse he went to one of the universities, but whether to Oxford or Cambridge there is no direct evidence to show. The register of Jesus College, Oxford, has the following entry under date 30th April 1624: “Rodericus Williams, filius Gulielmi Williams, de Conwelgaio Pleb., an. Nat. 18.” If this entry refers to the founder of Rhode Island he was of Welsh parentage and born about 1606. As Coke was a Cambridge student, the probability is, however, that Williams was sent there; and a Roger Williams matriculated at Pembroke College of that university on 1st July 1625, and took his B.A. degree in January 1627. This Roger Williams was the second son of William Williams, and was baptized at Gwinsea, Cornwall, on 24th July 1600, a date which corresponds with a statement regarding his age made by Williams himself. After leaving the university he entered on the study of law; but, soon forsaking it for theology, he was admitted into holy orders and is said to have had a parochial charge. On account of his Puritan beliefs he left England for Massachusetts Bay, where he arrived in the beginning of 1631. He accepted an invitation to become pastor of a church at Salem, on 12th April 1631, the same day that the magistrates were assembled at Boston to express disapproval of the scheme. To escape persecution he went to Plymouth, beyond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts Bay, and became assistant pastor there; but in the autumn of 1633 he returned to Salem as assistant pastor, succeeding in the following year as sole pastor. Chiefly on account of his pronounced opinions regarding the restricted sphere of the civil magistrate in religious matters, he came into conflict with the court of Massachusetts, and, being banished from the colony, left with a few sympathizers in January 1636 for Narragansett Bay. At first they received a grant of land from an Indian chief, which is now included in Seekonk, Massachusetts, and began to build houses, but in June following he and five others embarked in a canoe for Rhode Island, and founded a settlement to which Williams, in remembrance “of God’s providence to him in his distress,” gave the name of Providence. In 1639 he was publicly immersed and became pastor of the first Baptist church of Providence. As Massachusetts now began to claim jurisdiction over Narragansett Bay, Williams proceeded in June 1643 to England, and through the mediation of his friend Sir Henry Vane, whose acquaintance he had made at Massachusetts, obtained an independent charter, 14th March 1644. In 1649 he was chosen deputy president. He again visited England in 1651 to obtain a more explicit charter, and remained there till 1654, enjoying the friendship of Milton, Cromwell, and other prominent Puritans. On his return to the colony in 1654 he was chosen president or governor, and remained in office till 1658. He lived to the age of eighty-four, but the exact date of his death is uncertain.
Williams was the author of a Key into the Language of the Indians of America (written at sea on his first voyage to England; London, 1643, reprinted in vol. i. of Collections of Rhode Island Historical Society, 1827); Mr Cotton's Letter Examined and Answered, 1644; The Bloody Tenent of Persecution for the Cause of Conscience, 1644; Queries of Highest Consideration, 1644; The Bloody Tenent yet more Bloody, 1652; The Hireling Ministry None of Christ’s, 1652; Experiments of Spiritual Life and Health, 1652; and George Fox Digged ou,t of his Burrows, 1676. A complete collection of all his letters that have been recovered forms vol. vi. of the Publications of the Narragansett Club. See Lives by Knowles (1833), Gammell (1846), and Elton (1852); Spark’s Library of American Biography; Savage’s Genealogical Dictionary of New England Settlers; Biographical Cyclopedia of Representative Men of Rhode Island, 1883; Guild’s Account of the Writings of Roger Williams, 1862; and Dexter’s As to Roger Williams and his Banishment from Massachusetts Bay, 1876.
[429 words — estimated reading time: 3 minutes]
WILLIAMSPORT, a city of the United States, the county seat of Lycoming county, Pennsylvania, is situated in the valley of the west branch of the Susquehanna river, amid the hills of the Alleghany plateau, and is entered by four railway lines,—the Northern Central, the Philadelphia and Erie, the Philadelphia and Reading, and the Corning, Cowanesque, and Antrim. The city is somewhat irregularly laid out, and the streets are mainly unpaved. The population in 1880 was 18,934; in 1870 it was 16,030. Williamsport owes its importance chiefly to its large lumber industry. The healthfulness of its climate and the beauty of the surrounding scenery have made it a popular summer resort in recent years.
[116 words — estimated reading time: 1 minute]
WILLIBRORD, St, the apostle of the Frisians, was born about 657. His father, Wilgils, an Angle or, as Alcuin styles him, a Saxon, of Northumbria, withdrew from the world and constructed for himself a little oratory dedicated to St Andrew. The king and nobles of the district endowed him with estates till he was at last able to build a church, over which Alcuin afterwards ruled. Willibrord, almost as soon as he was weaned, was sent to be brought up at Ripon, where he must doubtless have come under the influence of Wilfrid. About the age of twenty the desire of increasing his stock of knowledge (c. 679) drew him to Ireland, which had so long been the headquarters of learning in western Europe. Here he stayed for twelve years, enjoying the society of Egbert and Wictbert, from the former of whom he doubtless received his first impulse to missionary work among the North-German tribes. In his thirty-third year (c. 690) he started with twelve companions for the mouth of the Rhine. These districts were then occupied by the Frisians under their king Rabbod or Radbod. After a time he found in Pippin, the mayor of the palace, a strong supporter, who sent him to Rome, where he was consecrated bishop by Pope Sergius on St Cecilia’s Day 696. Bede says that when he returned to Frisia his see was fixed in Utrecht. He now seems to have spent several years in founding churches and the work of conversion, till his success tempted him to pass into those parts of the land which did not own the Frankish sway. Being kindly received by Radbod, but failing to convert him, he passed on to Denmark, whence he carried away thirty boys to be brought up among the Franks. On his return he was wrecked on the holy island of Fosite (Heligoland), where his disregard of the pagan superstition nearly cost ...him his life. When Pippin died, Willibrord found a supporter in his son Charles Martel, who, according to Alcuin’s version of the story, established the bishop in Utrecht upon Radbod’s death (719). At this time he was assisted for three years in his missionary work by St Boniface (719- 722). Of the later years of his life we have no special chronological details. He passed throughout his diocese on horseback, working petty miracles and prophetically anticipating the future glory of Charles’s son Pippin at his baptism. He was still living when Bede wrote in 731. A. passage in one of Boniface’s letters to Stephen III. speaks of his preaching to the Frisians for fifty years, apparently reckoning from the time of his consecration. This would fix the date of his death in 738; and, as Alcuin tells us he was eighty-one years old when he died, it may be inferred that he was born in 657,—a theory on which all the dates given above are based, though it must be added that they are substantially confirmed by the incidental notices of Bede. The day of his death was 6th November, and his body was buried in the monastery of Epternac, which he had himself founded. Even in Alcuin’s time miracles were reported to be still wrought at his tomb.
The chief authorities for Willibrord’s life are Alenin’s Vita Willi-brordi, both in prose and in verse, and Bede’s Hist. Ecd., v. co. 9-11. See also Eddins’s Vita WilfridU.
[582 words — estimated reading time: 4 minutes]
